Women and Religion

Towards the end of the later vedic age , religion became a monopoly of the priestly class and were complicated. It was Beyond the reach of common man, shudras . It denied the salvation to shudras. Sacrifices and rituals became rampant . Women, who enjoyed equal status till Early Vedic Period, were no longer allowed to sit in sabha. They were discriminated in performing religious rituals. This led to the emergence of Buddhism and jainism.

Following facts reveals the discriination faced by women in religious space:
* The Buddhism as a religion evolved out of questioning existing faith and irrational practices. Shudras were allowed to enter into sangha , initially women and insolvent were discriminated upon. After resistance of Ananda women's entry were allowed. 
* Jainism allowed women as head of monasteries. However, maintained that ascetic life was not for women as their nudity was an impediment to their own and others’ salvation
* The Tamil saints Karaikal Ammaiyar and Andal present two different paths to salvation for the woman bhakta. Which was discriminatory. 
* Bhakti and Sufi movement which emerged during medieval time for religious and social reform confined itself on the basis of catse. Women's rights and their religious space was not theme of these movements.

Lack of religious rights along with other rights and perpetuation of patriarchal mind set led further deterioration in the status of women. Later it took the form of evil like Sati. In the 19th and 20th century social reformer like Rjaram Mohan Rai, jyotiba Phule , Ayankali etc gave impetus to movements relating to women's right and dignity.

Our constitution provided equal rights to women that of man. Art 15 provides govt to take affirmative action to uplift the social condition of women. However,despite of all these guarantee, the situation of women ,in religious sphere, is still pathetic in the country. The present women movement regarding temple entry is manifestation of that.

Fight Draught

In distressing times of water crisis, some villages, which have effectively proofed themselves from droughts, stand out. This was made possible by not just constructing irrigation infrastructure, but also managing them effectively.

METHODOLOGY
1. Water Resource Management:
a. Constructing small ponds, bunds, reservoirs, harvest rainwater, recharge groundwater- maintains adequate water for farming, consumption.
b. Calculate, disseminate information on water levels, consumption and rationalising usage, with the help of hydrologists, Panchayats, village committees etc.

2. Ecological Farming:
a. Growing trees, furrows, to increase water holding capacity of farms. Practice drip irrigation to increase efficiency.
b. Ecologically sustainable farming based on water availability, soil health etc. e.g. growing green/black gram, millet, pulses, groundnut, instead of cotton, sugarcane in low rainfall areas. Shift sowing season, crop rotation, inter-cropping, organic farming (using cow dung/urine, neem) etc.
c. Community grazing- ensure adequate fodder, and even fuel e.g. by growing bamboo, dhaman etc.

Thus, farmers not only cushioned against droughts, but also greatly enhanced incomes.

ADOPTING FOR OTHER PARTS
1. Conduct hydrological study, consult and involve local community, for constructing long-lasting infrastructure for irrigation andconservation. MGNREGA ideal for this.
2. Capacity building for water budgeting, managing and sharing resources, planning crops, using fertilisers etc.
3. Ensure awareness and usage of Soil Health Cards for conserving soil nutrition for sustainable agriculture.
4. Promote micro-finance to enable individual infrastructure constructions.
5. Enable a network of “farm schools” (suggested by Prof. Swaminathan) to test, develop, and disseminate new technologies, seeds, practices etc.

Thus, the objective of govt. must be in making villages SMART to make feasible, informed decisions for long-term sustainability.

राजा राममोहन राय

बहते नहीं
चलने लगते हैं पाँव
और शरीर के तमाम अंग
जैसे छूटना चाहते हों
तमाम शिक्षाओं से
जो बचपन से घुट्टी की तरह पिला दी गईं

जैसे देना चाहते हों अच्छा कल
अपनी पुत्री को,
नव ब्याहता को,
तमाम औरतों को.

तुम्हें सती होने से आपत्ति नहीं है
तुम्हें प्रताड़ना से भी नहीं
जौहर होने से भी नहीं
पर्दा से
और पढ़ न पाने से भी नहीं.

मुझे है,
तमाम आपत्तियां
सब और समाज से.

मैं नहीं कहता
एक दिन में बदल दूंगा सबकुछ
लेकिन एक सदी आएगी
ब्रह्म समाज रहे न रहे
मैं मरुँ या जियूं
लेकिन तुम्हारी देह पे
तुम्हारा अधिकार सबसे ज्यादा होगा
और तुम खुद ही चुन पाओगी,
अपने लिए ज़िन्दगी, पति, आजीविका.

दो सौ साल बाद भी
राममोहन राय
जब राष्ट्रीय पुरुस्कार प्राप्त अदाकार-
कंगना रनौत कहती है
'समाज में सेक्सचुअली एक्टिव लड़की रंडी
और काम में कामयाब लड़की सनकी कही जाती है.'
तो लगता है
एक सदी और इंतज़ार करना होगा,
सूरज के धुर पूरव से उगने में. 

INDIA’S CYBER SECURITY ARCHITECTURE

Two things set aside India’s digital spaces from that of major powers such as the United States and China: design and density.
Design
 India is a net information exporter.
 Its information highways point west, carrying with them the data of millions of Indians.
 This is not a design flaw, but simply reflects the popularity of social media platforms and the lack of any serious effort by the Indian government to restrict the flow of data.
 Unrestricted information flow makes India’s cyber security architecture susceptible to many perils.
Density
 Nearly 500 million Indians use the Internet today, but they do not access the Internet from the same devices.
 Apple’s market share in the U.S., for instance, is 44 per cent, but iPhones account for less than 1 per cent in India.
 The massive gap between the security offered by the cheapest phone in the Indian market and a high-end smart phone makes it impossible for regulators to set legal and technical standards for data protection.
Digital intrusions
India’s national security architecture faces a difficult task in cyberspace due to lack of control over hardware used by Indian Internet users as well as the information that is carried through them. India’s infrastructure is susceptible to four kinds of digital intrusions:
(a) Espionage: Involves intruding into systems to steal information of strategic or commercial value.
(b) Cybercrime: Referring to electronic fraud or other acts of serious criminal consequence.
(c) Attacks: Intended at disrupting services or systems for a temporary period.
(d) War: Caused by a large-scale and systematic digital assault on India’s critical installations. Lack of national security architecture
 There is no national security architecture today that can assess the nature of cyber threats and respond to them effectively.
 India’s civilian institutions have their own fire-fighting agencies, and the armed forces have their own insulated platforms to counter cyber-attacks.
 Recognising the strategic dimensions of cyberspace, the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) created the position of the National Cyber Security Coordinator in 2014. What could such an agency look like?
The asymmetric character of digital warfare requires a multi-agency organisation that is technically equipped, but also bases its decision on sound strategy and regular policy inputs.
 Permanent and semi-permanent staff that is technically proficient in cyber operations,
 India faces a shortage of officers trained in creating and breaking encrypted platforms as well as using digital networks for intelligence gathering.
 Were such a National Cyber Security Agency (NCSA) to be created, it should have a functional “nucleus” or secretariat. 
 The second requirement is to coordinate the agency’s policy functions and operations.
 The current cyber security policy, articulated in 2013 by the Ministry of Communications and Information Technology, is basically a statement of first principles.
 The NCSA should be guided by a document outlining India’s cyber strategy, much like its nuclear doctrine.
 India currently has a top layer of agencies performing cyber operations — the National Technical Research Organisation, the National Intelligence Grid, and the National Information Board etc.
 India’s intelligence agencies should separately provide their consolidated inputs to aid the operations of the NCSA.
 India should not hesitate to build its offensive cyber capabilities.
 This would involve the development of software designed to intrude, intercept and exploit digital networks.
 India’s cyber command should be the primary agency responsible for the creation and deployment of such weapons.
Conclusion
A fully operational cyber command will take years to complete. The government would do well to pursue a two-pronged strategy in the interim.
 Advocate restraint in cyberspace as a global norm. India is an active participant in discussions around the Tallinn Manual, which is a set of non-governmental guidelines for engagement during war.
 The government should draft recruitment guidelines to hire and train a cadre of cyber specialists.

DEENDAYAL UPADHYAY SWANIYOJAN YOJANA

In News
 Deendayal Upadhyay Swaniyojan Yojana (DUSY) will soon be launched by Ministry of Rural Development to promote rural entrepreneurship under Start Up India campaign.
Salient features
 The main objective of Swaniyojan Yojana is to provide incentives such as financial assistance to the rural poor looking for self-employment options.
 The scheme will be integrated with MUDRA Bank Loan Yojana, innovative credit linkages and self-help groups.
 it will be funded by the existing National Rural Livelihood Mission
 It will provide the basic skill set required for self-employment in fields like driving, plumbing, agriculture, dairy farming, grafting and horticulture among others.
 The Ministry will also coordinate with other government departments such as textile, animal husbandry, and food processing to help rural poor setup their own business in these fields.
Way Ahead
DUSY is a rural avatar of Start Up India, It will not only provide an opportunity for gainful employment to rural youths, but it can also solve various problems associated with rural economy such as disguised unemployment in agriculture, reducing poverty, mitigate migration etc.

तुम्हारी तस्वीर के नीचे 'एक खोई हुई लड़की' लिखा है.

तुम्हारे कपडे देख पीली गेंद याद आई
उसी रंग के कनस्तर में घी रखा था
उसी रंग के निशाँ सड़क पे, मेट्रो पे हैं.

मुझे रंग खास पसंद नहीं.

टन्न से कुतुबमीनार बजी
क़त्ल हुए सारे कास्तकार जमा हो गए
तुम्हारी फोटो पे पीछे के खम्बे
बुत नहीं, ज़िंदा है आकृतियां उसपे.

दफ़न कास्तकार हमें निहार रहे थे.

तुम्हारे बालों में फेर के उंगलियां
देवदूत सम्हाले रहे धरती
मैंने छुआ और चूमी गर्दन.

वहां होंठों के निशाँ ज़िंदा होंगे.

दो पोरों में समा गया चेहरा
आँखों में सागर है, नमक है
चूमता हूँ, खारे हो जाते हैं होंठ.
सीने से लगो तो, भींग जाता है दिल.

सिर्फ तुममें हुनर है
प्रेमी की गोद में सर रख सिसकने का.

छूने की तमन्ना लिए
तुम अपने हाथ पीछे खिसका लेती हो
जैसे ज़िन्दगी पार्क की बेंत हो
और सारी दुनिया मॉर्निंग वाक करती हमें घूर रही हो.

मेट्रो के डब्बों पे ऐड हैं
तुम्हारी तस्वीर के नीचे
'एक खोई हुई लड़की' लिखा है.
गालों पे वैसी ही दमक है
पहली दफे चूमा था, तब थी.

गर्भ में पलते रिश्ते को
नागरिकशास्त्र की उस किताब ने मारा
जो कभी लिखी नहीं गई.

अब तुम्हारे पिता अपने अर्थशास्त्र से
पति खरीदेंगे.

तलाशे से नहीं मिले

तलाशे से नहीं मिले
जिनको ढूंढा गया
वो वे आदमी नहीं थे
जो वो बनना चाहते थे बचपन में.
वो निकले बहत्तर प्रतिशत, नब्बे प्रतिशत, हायर सेकेंडरी, बी ए, बी ई.

घास बो दी
कहा फल दे दे
पेड़ बन जा.
खूबसूरत घास, जिससे बगिया महकनी थी
सिमट सहम पीली पड़ गई.

बैठो यहां
डिग्रियां भूल सिसको
बनो जो बनना है
या कुछ भी न बनो.

जो हो बस रहो.

मई डे लव

तुम इतने छोटे लगते हो

चूमने के बाद
कि सीने से लगाने पे
मेरे में ही समा जाओगे कुछ क्षणों में.

चमकती आंखें, मुस्कुराते होंठ
कातिलाना कॉम्बीनेशन हैं.

टेबल पे गिलास आधा खाली, आधा भरा
अधूरा सा सपना
सीने से चिपको
बालों में उंगलियां फेर
फेंक दो गिलास,
तमाम प्रश्न. -Office Love

कविता शरबत नहीं.
पत्थर तोड़ पड़े फफोलों पे
उंगलियां फिरा
पीली पड़ती आंखों से मुस्कुराती हो,
फिर पूरी औरत लगने लगती हो.

खम्बों पे चूमती औरत के इश्तेहार हैं
हाथ गाड़ी पे सम्हालते ईंटें
दो सौ ईंट, दो पहियों के बीच
चार आंखें हंस जाती हैं,
ईंटें और साड़ी इक साथ सम्हलती हैं
मुस्कान और गाड़ी इक साथ ढुलकती हैं.
इश्क चुम्बन से परे
हवा में बिखर जाता है.              -Labourer's Love

दीवार पर फैज़
'बोल के लब आज़ाद हैं तेरे...'
लबों को लबों से सीं देता हूं
देखो! फेमिनिस्ट तुम झटकती भी नहीं मुझे.

चेहरे पे झुर्री, पेट पर स्ट्रेच मार्क्स आने तक
उतने ही इश्क का वादा कर
स्टेशन पे गले लगा
अकेला छोड़ आता हूं.              -Intellectual's Love

आखिरी बार देख, अगली बार की ख़्वाहिश लिये
अॉटो चलाता हूं
जिसमें आखिरी दफ़े चूमा था.

पलायनों के शहर में
मर्द-औरत सड़क किनारे सोते
इश्क फरमाने कहां ओट पाते होंगे?

मेरे कमरे में 'गुलज़ार' अब
फुटपाथ से चांद में महबूबा ढूंढता है.     -Migrant Worker's Love

'अक्षरधाम- किनारे लगे ईश्वर
बीच में कोई महामानव'
दुनिया की सबसे खराब जगह
तुम्हारे साथ का सुख
जैसे फलवाले-सब्जीवाली का
तपती दोपहर का अंगूरी प्रेम.

तुम्हें महसूस करते
शरबती हो गई कविता.
नितान्त अकेले में पढ़ सकोगे तुम
उजले क्षणों में मैं...

खुद को क़त्ल करना आसान है
दस नींद की गोलियां,
या इक पंखा,
दो पटरियां
या इक बार सीने से चिपक
फिर तुमसे कभी न मिलना.

फ़िरोजशाह ज़िन्दा
क़त्ल लोग बस संख्या
तारीख़ों में आम लोग शून्य रह जाते हैं.

पांच फुट की लड़की
पांच मिलीमीटर की किसी कविता में
एक अहसास पिरो
ज़िन्दा कर देती है
तारीख़ों में इक आम सा लड़का,
जिसे अबतक कार रिवर्स करना भी नहीं आता.      -Poet's Love

Liberate the legislator

Recent disqualification of 9 rebel MLAs in Uttarakhand under anti- defection law has once again brought back discussions surrounding the law to the fore.

What is Anti-defection law?

The anti-defection law was passed by parliament in 1985 strengthened in 2002. The 52nd amendment to the Constitution added the Tenth Schedule which laid down the process by which legislators may be disqualified on grounds of defection.

• A member of parliament or state legislature was deemed to have defected if he either voluntarily resigned from his party or disobeyed the directives of the party leadership on a vote. That is, they may not vote on any issue in contravention to the party’s whip.
• Independent members would be disqualified if they joined a political party. Nominated members who were not members of a party could choose to join a party within six months; after that period, they were treated as a party member or independent member.

The law also made a few exceptions:

• Any person elected as speaker or chairman could resign from his party, and rejoin the party if he demitted that post.
• A party could be merged into another if at least two-thirds (Initially one-third) of its party legislators voted for the merger.

However, the law has had some unintended consequences too:

• The law succeeded in checking the regular phenomenon of unstable governments and horse-trading due to floor crossing by legislators. However, it played a huge role in encouraging the centralisation of India’s political parties.
• Legislators in India now cannot take a stand against party leaders or defy the party whip, and use their conscience to vote on a Bill in the House due to fear of losing their seat under the provisions of the Anti-Defection law.
• This has also the effect of disincentivising lawmakers from seriously thinking, researching or even rifling for best practices to incorporate into legislation that is before the House for consideration and focus their energies on procedural matters.
• Also, a legislator cannot question the sweet deals or alliances between top party leaders.

Does the law impinge on the right of free speech of the legislators?

This issue was addressed by the five-judge Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court in 1992 (Kihoto Hollohan vs Zachilhu and others). The court said that “the anti-defection law seeks to recognise the practical need to place the proprieties of political and personal conduct above certain theoretical assumptions.” It held that the law does not violate any rights or freedoms, or the basic structure of parliamentary democracy.

What changes can be brought in?

• The disqualification of a member of a House should be only on the grounds that if he votes or abstains from voting in the House with regard to a Confidence Motion, No-confidence Motion, Adjournment Motion, Money Bill or financial matters contrary to the direction issued in this behalf by the party to which he belongs to and in no other case.
• Whips can be issued only for those legislative items that threaten the stability of government.
• As recommended by the Goswami Committee, the government should consider giving the power to decide on disqualification under the Act to the President or the Governor, who shall act on the advice of the Election Commission.
• The rationale that a representative is elected on the basis of the party’s programme can be extended to pre-poll alliances. The Law Commission proposed this change with the condition that partners of such alliances inform the Election Commission before the elections.

Conclusion:

The evil of political defections has been a matter of political concern. If it is not combated it is likely to undermine the very foundations of our democracy and the principles that sustain it. However, after 30 years of the enactment of the Tenth Schedule, it needs certain adaptations and further strengthening so as to be of greater relevance to our democratic process today.

Rebooting India’s agricultural policy

The agricultural sector in India has entered a new low since 1988, when India faced severe drought. Presently, India is facing its worst moment in the last three decades. The severity of the situation is evident from the stories of migration and severe water crisis in Maharashtra and elsewhere.

Why the government is to be blamed?

• It is because the response from the government to these expected shocks has been delayed and inadequate in most cases. In some cases, the delay in response has certainly aggravated the crisis. This has been reflected in government’s responses to the collapse of commodity prices and to the drought this year.
• Despite having prior information about the impending drought, the government was not prepared. Required relief efforts were not undertaken on a scale larger than a normal drought.
• Also, most states have not been given their share of the drought relief fund that was promised by the central government.
• Besides, the actual increase in this year’s budget for the agricultural sector was a modest 27% against a claim of 127% by the finance minister in the 2016 budget.

Policy concerns:

The real problem, however, with the policy of this government on agriculture is not just the financial allocation, which remains inadequate given the enormity of the situation, but also the lack of a coherent policy for achieving the objective of doubling farm income. There has not been a clear road map to revive agriculture.

Need for a new policy:

The old policy lacks a clear understanding of the problems facing today’s Indian agriculture. The reason some of the old prescriptions are less relevant in the current context lies in the changing nature of agricultural production, which has seen a rising share of horticulture, floriculture and livestock.

• Although grown in an area smaller than food grains, horticulture production is now higher than the total output of the food-grain sector. It now accounts for almost one-third of total agricultural gross domestic product (GDP). So is the case of livestock and dairy, which have seen rapid growth in recent years.
• These sectors are more vulnerable to weather shocks and hence they require a different kind of support, including marketing and processing support. These are also more vulnerable to price fluctuations, as has been witnessed recently, than traditional crops such as food grains.

Way ahead:

What is required is to insulate these sectors not only from the risk and vulnerability which arise from production-related factors such as weather but also from risks in the price and output market.

• Most of the farmers (more than 80%) engaged in production of these crops are small and marginal farmers with little support from traditional agricultural policies such as insurance, marketing infrastructure, support prices and subsidies. Hence, our agricultural policies should be geared towards supporting and protecting these farmers.
• Years of neglect of natural resource management have put enormous stress on the land and water resources of the agricultural sector. In this context, traditional approaches of input intensification are now yielding limited returns—in some cases, negative returns. The focus of the agricultural strategy has to move towards developing new technologies, agricultural practices and crop varieties which are not only less resource-intensive but also environment-friendly.
• A sustainable agricultural policy requires efforts to not only support and protect farmers from the vagaries of the monsoon and market forces but also to create an enabling institutional framework. The roles of agricultural universities, extension services and cooperative institutions have to be redefined.
• In the short run, efforts to augment the income of farmers suffering from the drought are needed. This not only requires supporting and strengthening livelihood programmes and safety nets such as the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) but also implementing the much-delayed National Food Security Act.

Conclusion:

The current crisis in agriculture has forced the government to respond to the challenges facing the agricultural sector. The government should not only respond to the immediate challenges facing the farmer and the agricultural sector but also reboot the agricultural policy to create an ecosystem for the future of Indian agriculture. The ambition of doubling the farmer’s income in the next six years may be difficult to achieve but is not impossible.