Wednesday, December 3, 2014

सुभद्रा कुमारी की कवितायेँ

वीरों का हो कैसा वसन्त 

आ रही हिमालय से पुकार
है उदधि गरजता बार बार
प्राची पश्चिम भू नभ अपार;
सब पूछ रहें हैं दिग-दिगन्त
वीरों का हो कैसा वसन्त

फूली सरसों ने दिया रंग
मधु लेकर आ पहुंचा अनंग
वधु वसुधा पुलकित अंग अंग;
है वीर देश में किन्तु कंत
वीरों का हो कैसा वसन्त

भर रही कोकिला इधर तान
मारू बाजे पर उधर गान
है रंग और रण का विधान;
मिलने को आए आदि अंत
वीरों का हो कैसा वसन्त

गलबाहें हों या कृपाण
चलचितवन हो या धनुषबाण
हो रसविलास या दलितत्राण;
अब यही समस्या है दुरंत
वीरों का हो कैसा वसन्त

कह दे अतीत अब मौन त्याग
लंके तुझमें क्यों लगी आग
ऐ कुरुक्षेत्र अब जाग जाग;
बतला अपने अनुभव अनंत
वीरों का हो कैसा वसन्त

हल्दीघाटी के शिला खण्ड
ऐ दुर्ग सिंहगढ़ के प्रचंड
राणा ताना का कर घमंड;
दो जगा आज स्मृतियां ज्वलंत
वीरों का हो कैसा वसन्त

भूषण अथवा कवि चंद नहीं
बिजली भर दे वह छन्द नहीं
है कलम बंधी स्वच्छंद नहीं;
फिर हमें बताए कौन हन्त
वीरों का हो कैसा वसन्त


झाँसी की रानी की समाधि पर

इस समाधि में छिपी हुई है, एक राख की ढेरी |
जल कर जिसने स्वतंत्रता की, दिव्य आरती फेरी ||
यह समाधि यह लघु समाधि है, झाँसी की रानी की |
अंतिम लीलास्थली यही है, लक्ष्मी मरदानी की ||

यहीं कहीं पर बिखर गई वह, भग्न-विजय-माला-सी |
उसके फूल यहाँ संचित हैं, है यह स्मृति शाला-सी |
सहे वार पर वार अंत तक, लड़ी वीर बाला-सी |
आहुति-सी गिर चढ़ी चिता पर, चमक उठी ज्वाला-सी |

बढ़ जाता है मान वीर का, रण में बलि होने से |
मूल्यवती होती सोने की भस्म, यथा सोने से ||
रानी से भी अधिक हमे अब, यह समाधि है प्यारी |
यहाँ निहित है स्वतंत्रता की, आशा की चिनगारी ||

इससे भी सुन्दर समाधियाँ, हम जग में हैं पाते |
उनकी गाथा पर निशीथ में, क्षुद्र जंतु ही गाते ||
पर कवियों की अमर गिरा में, इसकी अमिट कहानी |
स्नेह और श्रद्धा से गाती, है वीरों की बानी ||


बुंदेले हरबोलों के मुख हमने सुनी कहानी |
खूब लड़ी मरदानी वह थी, झाँसी वाली रानी ||
यह समाधि यह चिर समाधि है , झाँसी की रानी की |
अंतिम लीला स्थली यही है, लक्ष्मी मरदानी की ||

स्मृतियाँ

क्या कहते हो? किसी तरह भी 
भूलूँ और भुलाने दूँ?
गत जीवन को तरल मेघ-सा 
स्मृति-नभ में मिट जाने दूँ?

शान्ति और सुख से ये 
जीवन के दिन शेष बिताने दूँ?
कोई निश्चित मार्ग बनाकर 
चलूँ तुम्हें भी जाने दूँ?
कैसा निश्चित मार्ग? ह्रदय-धन 
समझ नहीं पाती हूँ मैं 
वही समझने एक बार फिर 
क्षमा करो आती हूँ मैं।

जहाँ तुम्हारे चरण, वहीँ पर 
पद-रज बनी पड़ी हूँ मैं 
मेरा निश्चित मार्ग यही है 
ध्रुव-सी अटल अड़ी हूँ मैं।

भूलो तो सर्वस्व ! भला वे 
दर्शन की प्यासी घड़ियाँ 
भूलो मधुर मिलन को, भूलो 
बातों की उलझी लड़ियाँ। 

भूलो प्रीति प्रतिज्ञाओं को 
आशाओं विश्वासों को 
भूलो अगर भूल सकते हो 
आंसू और उसासों को।

मुझे छोड़ कर तुम्हें प्राणधन 
सुख या शांति नहीं होगी 
यही बात तुम भी कहते थे 
सोचो, भ्रान्ति नहीं होगी।

सुख को मधुर बनाने वाले 
दुःख को भूल नहीं सकते 
सुख में कसक उठूँगी मैं प्रिय 
मुझको भूल नहीं सकते।

मुझको कैसे भूल सकोगे 
जीवन-पथ-दर्शक मैं थी 
प्राणों की थी प्राण ह्रदय की 
सोचो तो, हर्षक मैं थी।

मैं थी उज्ज्वल स्फूर्ति, पूर्ति 
थी प्यारी अभिलाषाओं की 
मैं ही तो थी मूर्ति तुम्हारी 
बड़ी-बड़ी आशाओं की।

आओ चलो, कहाँ जाओगे 
मुझे अकेली छोड़, सखे! 
बंधे हुए हो ह्रदय-पाश में 
नहीं सकोगे तोड़, सखे!

Growing Up Fearful in Nigeria / Ukamaka Olisakwe

ABA, Nigeria — Horror calls down to us from northern Nigeria. Most of the 276 schoolgirls kidnapped by Boko Haram rebels last spring are still unaccounted for. On Nov. 10, Boko Haram bombed a high school in Potiskum, killing at least 48 children. Last month, the group killed 48 fish vendors near the border with Chad. And just last week, in apparent retaliation, the central mosque in the city of Kano was bombed, with some 100 people killed.
But fear and religious fanaticism are not new to the north. They are a fate we long ago came to accept. They were already woven into the pattern of life when I was a child there in the 1980s.
My father arrived in Kano one cold morning in the 1970s, with the dry, dusty harmattan wind blowing south from the desert. He was 23, and like many young Christians from Nigeria’s lush southeast, he had gone to the Muslim-majority north after surviving the bloody civil war of 1967-70. Kano was a new business frontier then. But it was uneasy, too: While Muslims and Christians lived side by side, so did hope and fear.
In December 1980, hope took a terrible blow when Yan Tatsine, a group led by the Islamic preacher Maitatsine, took to the streets in a blaze of violence. Like Boko Haram today, Maitatsine reviled Westernization. He had declared himself a prophet and clashed with the police, but was supported by some Muslim clerics. My father remembers shuddering in fear alongside other Christians in their neighborhood, Sabon Gari, as the bloodshed snuffed out 4,000 lives. Eventually, the Nigerian Army arrived, Maitatsine was killed, and his followers fled to neighboring states to continue their insurgency.
A period of peace in Kano followed. My father married. I was born. My parents were protective — too much so, I thought. They hardly ever let me venture outside Sabon Gari or get near a mosque during Friday Prayer. I could not understand why, and eventually began to rebel.
One day in October 1991, when I was not quite 9, I walked toward a large mosque near our home. It was a Friday, and the street was closed. From afar, I could see worshipers on prayer mats in the road. The mosque’s loudspeakers spewed out anger, and I wondered if this anger was why my parents warned us to stay away. Then, suddenly, worshipers spilled from the building, chanting in Arabic, punching the air with their fists.
I ran home, dazed. Later that evening, we were told that a proselytizing German Christian evangelist, Reinhard Bonnke, planned to visit Kano. The following Monday, tension smothered us like a thick veil. School closed early. Some Muslim classmates and teachers didn’t show up at all. Grown-ups muttered in hushed voices.
We children would later learn that hundreds of Muslim demonstrators had taken to the streets that day, protesting Mr. Bonnke’s visit, and rioting ensued in which Christians were attacked and killed — an estimated 200 in the city and nearby. Then Christians counterattacked, killing Muslims. For hours, I tried to wish away the screams I was hearing. For days, the air stank of burned flesh and decaying bodies on the streets. Mosques lay in ruins, charred.
Two days after the crisis started, the Nigerian Army arrived, and within the week, cleanup crews cleared the streets. But the smell lingered.
At home, we no longer laughed. Father returned to his shop, Mother to her food kiosk and we children to school. We all stayed away from mosques. But in time, our memories of the riot were thrust aside, as if into a dusty closet. We talked about almost anything else: the coming harmattan, how we could taste Christmas on our lips if we threw our mouths open and sucked in the cold air. On Christmas Eve, we played with firecrackers. By morning, we wore new clothes to church. We stuffed ourselves full of rice, goat meat and Fanta. And the decade began flitting by quietly, with little special for a child to remember or mourn.
In 2001, fully grown, I left Kano to live with my husband in Aba, a southeastern city near where my father grew up. The air here, I discovered, bubbles with the people’s unrestrained, stomach-clenching laughter, and for the first weeks it made me jittery. I couldn’t put my finger on why. It was not just the southerners’ boisterous talk, or the shocking Western way the women dressed. Here, girls could wear skirts so short they dared not bend over; their makeup stood out like street signs. And when they talked to boys, they stared them straight in the eyes.
I missed home. On my first visit to the market, I heard a bus conductor call out: “Mosque! Mosque!” I hopped on, and rode to a mosque in front of which men sold suya, a spicy northern meat kebab. I greeted a seller in the north’s Hausa language. Beaming, he returned greetings in Igbo, the language of the southeast. Had I been in the north? he asked. I said I’d just left. I ordered suya, and he served twice as much as I’d paid for. Thanking him, I started to leave. But I kept staring at the mosque.
I realized then what had made me feel unmoored: the absence of fear. I had learned to live with fear in the north. It had become a second skin, and losing it had dazed me. I missed it and the boundaries it set.
I called my parents and told them I wasn’t sure whether I loved this new freedom to laugh loud, to wear red lipstick and miniskirts. Most of the time, I missed Kano itself, and the good memories of peaceful interludes. My mother took to visiting Aba, bearing news of new buildings or improved roads, or simply of peace. My father’s business had expanded. He’d bought a new car. She’d shut her food kiosk to work with him. She wore hope in her eyes, as we used to.
But 2004 brought another riot. Some 300 Christians had died, Mother called to tell me. She said I must never return to Kano. I never have.
Up north, we hear, Boko Haram is the group that spreads fear today. But it has taken cruelty a step further. It focuses its rage on Western education. So its victims are often children.
In the safe southeast, my mind still wanders north. I wonder how the captive girls feel. Do they dare hope for rescue? How does a high-school girl get through the day? Counting the ceiling boards of a cell? Or, worse, dealing with a husband whom Boko Haram has forced on her?
Meanwhile, Christians have relocated southward en masse. Mother and Father live in Onitsha, near me. Father said the Christians of Sabon Gari gave up after a pair of bombings mere blocks from my parents’ home.
They are safe now, but forever marked. Like me and the legions of other Christians who have fled northern Nigeria, Father wears his memories like a badge of loss.

web filter

“This planned prohibition of pornography and any other objectionable content will ultimately come at a cost to our collective interest in the freedom of expression while simultaneously turning a deaf ear to what science is or isn’t able to account for. A web filter opens the doors to abuse, stupidity, official petty-mindedness and a habit of giving up and reaching for the easiest way out.” In the light of government’s plan to filter the web, critically comment on the statement.

On April 16, 2013, Kamlesh Vaswani, an advocate from Indore, filed a Public Interest Litigation petition in the Supreme Court of India asking for the viewing of pornography to be made a non-bailable offence and demanding that pornographic content on the Internet be blocked. The court subsequently asked the government to respond to the petition. Fast forward to September 2014, by which time both the erstwhile United Progressive Alliance-II and the incumbent Bharatiya Janata Party-led governments said they were unable to track the number of cases and block Internet pornography in India.
Then, on September 5, 2014, Information Technology and telecommunications officials from various Ministries, including Union Minister for Communications and Information Technology Ravi Shankar Prasad convened at the Department of Electronics and Information Technology (DEITY) to discuss a solution to the pornography question. They discussed not why but how to implement a web filter, which is a technical system that controls what content is blocked on the Internet.
Mr. Vaswani’s petition cited pornography as being the reason for rapes in the country. But is there a demonstrable psychological link between viewing pornography and perpetrating sexual violence?
Social predispositions
Studies have shown show that non-aggressive men’ s reactions to non-violent pornography is markedly different from aggressive men’s reactions to violent pornography (Malamuth et al 2000; Kingston et al 2009). Among women, findings show that those who have experienced coercive sexual behaviour before exposure to pornography are offended by violent pornography but approve of erotica (which is the artistic use of subject matter for sexual arousal) (Senn and Radtke 1990). Similarly, women who have not experienced coercive sexual behaviour before exposure to pornography approve of non-violent pornography in general (Sommers and Check 1987).
Therefore, it is clear that pornography can’t be treated as an undifferentiated mass and that its implications for sexual violence can’t be assessed without accounting for one’s social predispositions. In fact, a 2010 study conducted by the University of Zagreb in Croatia pinpointed a confounding factor: sexual sensation seeking. The study was able to show that while there seemed to be no demonstrable link between viewing pornography and sexual behaviour, the age at which the viewer was exposed to pornography and sexual stimulation-seeking behaviour seemed to affect how aggressive the viewer turned out to be.
In fact, an Indian study published in the Indian Journal of Psychological Medicine in June 2014 was able to go so far as to conclude that “easy access to pornography did not have a significant impact on rape [and crime] rates against women” by comparing “reported incidence of crime” in 1971-2008 and “availability of pornography over the Internet with a particular focus on crime against women.”
Moreover, there are also shortcomings in evaluation hinged on the inability to statistically eliminate the unconscious biases of those designing the tests. In India, as elsewhere, these confounding factors would point at the wider social environment one grows up in. If the DEITY group really wanted to curb sexual violence, they would go after all the black sheep in this environment — from the entrenched culture of misogyny to the objectification of women in popular culture that is consumed en masse — but no. Science is unable to show that pornography causes sexual violence, and so the reason for a web filter is something else, and worthy of suspicion at that.
Some studies even argue that viewing pornography gives men and women a safe way to release their sexual stress in the privacy of their homes without having to resort to publicly dissonant behaviour (e.g. Ferguson & Hartley 2009). With a filter in place, there is a chance that sexual violence could thus increase.
So why is there so much need for a filter at all? A web filter is the answer because it is the perfect technological solution to problems that we would like to sweep under the rug without debate or discussion. It allows parents to avoid coming up with a rational explanation for why pornography is evil; it provides the perfect cover for politicians who cannot define what obscenity is, let alone try and explain how it is “destroying Indian culture.”
The people in favour of a web filter understand this all too well, which is why untenable arguments such as “pornography causes sexual violence and is responsible for crimes against women” are advanced, because they are causes that we can all seemingly get behind and support. Likewise, the war against child pornography is a great rallying call. But while it is a noble objective, it is also a mask that hides the other problems for which a web filter will be used.
The problem with technological solutions in particular, and algorithmic regulation in general, is that they are primarily judged by their efficiency and not by whether they are serving the larger interests of the population. In the pre-Internet and mobile age, we had to decide whether to deliver solutions through the market or the state, which had their own ideological differences as to who the solution was really serving.
Today this clarity is lost as our choice is between analogue and digital solutions and the only criteria by which we judge success is efficiency. When we use technology to create massive databases of citizen data, governments across the world think only about how much more efficient it is compared to the old paper-and-filing-cabinet regime and not about how these databases bring with them the potential for surveillance, tracking and profiling. The transformation from paper-filing to online database brings a number of benefits in terms of costs and convenience. What it also does is make the data more accessible than it should be, to the detriment of citizens.
Bypassing filters
A government-imposed filtering mechanism also fails to serve the larger sections of the population. As the members of the cyber regulation advisory committee pointed out, filters deployed by Internet service providers to block specific online material can be easily bypassed through a number of mechanisms.
Furthermore, it is difficult to argue whether the majority of Indians truly believe that pornography is harming this country’s cultural sensitivities. Data recently released by one of the world’s biggest pornography websites points out that Indians are, and have been, among the most prolific consumers of Internet pornography in the world.
This planned prohibition of pornography and any other objectionable content will ultimately come at a cost to our collective interest in the freedom of expression while simultaneously turning a deaf ear to what science is or isn’t able to account for. A web filter opens the doors to abuse, stupidity, official petty-mindedness and a habit of giving up and reaching for the easiest way out.
Is it worth trading away our assured freedoms for merely speculative benefits?

(Vasudevan Mukunth is a science journalist. Anuj Srivas is at the Oxford Internet Institute, U.K.)

Source: http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-opinion/the-ostensible-reason-for-a-web-filter/article6653271.ece