Monday, February 29, 2016


Right to education mandates no detention provision (NDP) and CCE at the elementary school stage. They aim to address the problems of high drop out rates, inequality,educational load etc.
Why such provisions were added..
NDP provision is made as compelling a child to repeat a class is demotivating and discouraging whereas CCE is a procedure that will be non threatening, releases the child from fear and trauma of failure etc.
Why NDP and CCE has become controversial..
A. This policy has led to lackadaisical attitude with there no risk of failing 
B.. No distinction between good or bad students.
C.. Sharp fall in learning outcomes and academic level. 
D.. The CCE has failed to take off in most schools owing to lack of basic capacity and awareness.
What can be done..
A.. counselling to ascertain the reasons why a child is failing constantly. 
B.. Learning capacity,achievements and progress of a student should be measured from time to time by conducting tests.
C.. Additional classes or special coaching for children who are weak in studies. 
D.. Teacher training programmes must be revised in line with the requirements of CCE.
To conclude.. measuring the learning level outcomes of all children on catalyzing a performance and rewarding high performers at every level, changing stakeholders mindset and preparing them for new provisions in which parents are made accountable for full attendance of their children..

Sunday, February 28, 2016


क्यूंकि पत्थर भी आवाज़ करते हैं एक दिन 
क्यूंकि आदमी भी सहते सहते चुक जाता है 
क्यूंकि उम्मीद आँखों से निकल बाजुओं तक पहुँच जाती है 
क्यूंकि लड़ने के लिए शब्द कम पड़ जाते हैं 
क्यूंकि मरना-मारना आखिरी उपाय रह जाता है 
इसलिए आदमी कर लेता है आत्महत्या या कर देता है हत्या
आत्महत्यायें हत्या के पहले की आहट बस होती हैं
आहट कि लोग सहते सहते चुक चुके हैं
आहट कि लोग पत्थर उठाने के लिए झुके हैं
आहट कि अब तुम्हारा सिर बचाने का वक़्त आ गया है.

Saturday, February 27, 2016


नाहक ही हक़ की बातें हैं
नाहक ही हक़ का किस्सा है
जिनके घर में लाठी है
सब उनका ही हिस्सा है.

डूब मरे जो कहने पहुंचे
कुछ हमको भी मिलना है
लोकतंत्र में 'लोक' है हम
हमसे देश चलना है.

देश चलाने वालों ने 
बदला अपना नाम
बदली अपनी कदकाठी
न बदला काला काम.

कई किस्सों की आज़ादी
दो हिस्सों में बंट गई
एक हिस्से में रोटी है
एक की आंते कट गईं.

मैं कहता हूँ बंद करो
ये लड़ना-भिड़ना, मरना-मिटना
बारूद उठाओ ख़त्म करो
जो नाहक हक़ का किस्सा है.
लाठियां तोड़ छीन लो सारा,
जो तुम्हारा हिस्सा है.

राख उठाओ अपनी खुद ही
खुद का जीवन अंत करो.
युद्ध करो, छीनो, ले लो
या युद्ध में ही अंत हो.

Industrial revolution and Effects

There are instances across the world where so-called underdeveloped but mineral-rich regions have fallen prey to fierce corporate plunder of natural resources at the expense of the local population. Identify such major regions around the world and in India, and critically examine how local communities are affected by this plunder. 

Industrial revolution had propelled the capitalist need to increase profitability by exploiting the natural resources, and states have actively supported the corporates to expand beyond borders to extract natural resources at any expense. Majority of the third world countries have fallen prey to this plunder
1. The middle east with its vast oil resources has been centre to this economic colonialism, where the Western countries have supported dictators (ex. Iraq, Syria) and monarchies ( Saudi, Kuwait) to extract beneficial contracts to the oil companies. These authoritarian regimes have been notorious with their human rights violations and executions which has now led to civil war and unrest culminating in the Arab Spring.
2. The western african (Ivory Coast, Senegal, Ghana) and central african countries( Congo, Sudan)have been the victim of the corporate rush to secure gold,diamond mines and oil fields. This has resulted in trade of weapons, drugs to local war lords, who use this coercive methods to evacuate lands and built up child militia eroding the demographic attributes of the poeple.
3. Latin American countries have the victim of "dollar diplomacy", where manipulated credit given to countries like Argentina, Uruguay have forced the national govt. to give away their natural resources at sub prime rates. While countries like Brazil, Venezuella have profited by corporate presence, others have not.
4. In India, the mineral rich dantekaranya plateau, the chotta nagpur plateau, the karnataka plateau have been undemocratically surrendered to mining companies and barons, who have manipulated contracts (Coal Scam) to maximize profit at the cost of degrading demographics of the uneducated and non influencial tribals citizens.
While national interest is served by developing natural resources, steps needs to be taking in evolving democratic ways to extract maximum benefit. Inclusive development is possible only when people are involved in deciding their own future.

Thursday, February 25, 2016

Poems by Arvind Krishna Mehrotra

To An Unborn Daughter 

If writing a poem could bring you

Into existence, I'd write one now,

Filling the stanzas with more

Skin and tissue than a body needs,

Filling the lines with speech.

I'd even give you your mother's

Close-bitten nails and light-brown eyes,

For I think she had them. I saw her

Only once, through a train window,

In a yellow field. She was wearing 

A pale-coloured dress. It was cold.

I think she wanted to say something.

[From: The Transfiguring Places]

On The Death Of A Sunday Painter

He smoked a cherry-wood pipe, knew all about cannas,

And deplored our lack of a genuine fast bowler.

My uncle called his wife Soft Hands.

Once in 1936 he sat in his Holland Hall drawing-room

Reading Ulysses when a student walked in.

Years later I read him an essay on D.H. Lawrence

And the Imagists; he listened,

Then spoke of Lord Clive, the travels of Charles M. Doughty,

"My dear young fellow . . . "

I followed the truck on my bicycle

And left early; his friends sat all afternoon

In the portico of a nearby house.

[From: Distance in Statute Miles]

Mirza Ghalib In Old Age 

His eyesight failed him,

But in his soldier's hands,

Still held like a sword,

Was the mirror of couplets.

By every post came

Friends' verses to correct,

But his rosary-chain

Was a string of debts.

[From: Both Sides of the Sky] (anthology ed. by Eunice de Souza)

Wednesday, February 24, 2016

Tax to GDP Ratio

Tax to GDP ratio is the ratio of taxes collection against nation GDP. It tells about how a unit change in GDP will contribute to the revenue of govt. In India it is at lower rate i.e. 17% while OECD average is 24%. In Scandinavian countries it is as high as 50%. In India it is on the lower side because-
1) Lots of people are not earning well and hence did not com in the direct tax bracket. Only 3% pay income tax.
2) Lowering the tax slab will increase administration cost and also regressive with low saving in hand.
3) Large unorganised sector and loopholes in tax structure.
To increase the spending of govt towards social sector, infra and public service India must increase its tax/GDP ratio, not by increasing tax rate or decreasing tax slab but by-
1) Increasing the income of its citizens through MII, SISI, etc
2) By ease of dong business and lesser bureaucratic hurdles.
3) Mending loopholes in ta policy by transparent and stable tax policy, GAAR and MAT and reducing exemption.
We must also try to increase direct tax against indirect tax because indirect tax does not differentiate b/w rich and poor and is regressive in nature, reduces saving in hands of poor. We must move towards GST so as to remove cascading effect of tax and increase revenue. Increase in tax GDP ratio will-
1) Increase revenue per unit increase of GDP
2) More income to govt for providing better services
3) Poor will be benefited more through increased govt expenditure.
4) Help in achieving fiscal deficit target hence better ratings-so more FDI-more jobs
Hence increasing tax-GDP ratio will benefit India to become a stable economy with poor benefiting the most.

तो हमें देश की सुरक्षा से खतरा है | अवतार सिंह संधू 'पाश'

यदि देश की सुरक्षा यही होती है कि
बिना जमीर होना जिंदगी के लिए शर्त बन जाये
आंख की पुतली में हां के सिवाय कोई भी शब्द 
अश्लील हो 
और मन बदकार पलों के सामने दंडवत झुका रहे
तो हमें देश की सुरक्षा से खतरा है.
हम तो देश को समझे थे घर-जैसी पवित्र चीज
जिसमें उमस नहीं होती
आदमी बरसते मेंह की गूंज की तरह गलियों में बहता है
गेहूं की बालियों की तरह खेतों में झूमता है
और आसमान की विशालता को अर्थ देता है
हम तो देश को समझे थे आलिंगन-जैसे एक एहसास का नाम
हम तो देश को समझते थे काम-जैसा कोई नशा
हम तो देश को समझते थे कुरबानी-सी वफा
लेकिन गर देश
आत्मा की बेगार का कोई कारखाना है
गर देश उल्लू बनने की प्रयोगशाला है
तो हमें उससे खतरा है
गर देश का अमन ऐसा होता है
कि कर्ज के पहाड़ों से फिसलते पत्थरों की तरह
टूटता रहे अस्तित्व हमारा
और तनख्वाहों के मुंह पर थूकती रहे
कीमतों की बेशर्म हंसी
कि अपने रक्त में नहाना ही तीर्थ का पुण्य हो
तो हमें अमन से खतरा है
गर देश की सुरक्षा को कुचल कर अमन को रंग चढ़ेगा
कि वीरता बस सरहदों पर मर कर परवान चढ़ेगी
कला का फूल बस राजा की खिड़की में ही खिलेगा
अक्ल, हुक्म के कुएं पर रहट की तरह ही धरती सींचेगी
तो हमें देश की सुरक्षा से खतरा है.

देशभक्ति | अनुराग आर्य

आपकी देशभक्ति हिलोरे मारती है, बात-बात पर आपका खून उबलता है, शहीदों को अक्सर आप याद करते रहते है. पर आपका कोई बच्चा आर्मी या पैरामिलटरी फ़ोर्स ज्वाइन नहीं करता. वो या दूकान पर बैठता है या सहूलियत की कोई नौकरी लेता है.अजीब इत्तेफ़ाक़ है पिछली कई पीढ़ियों से आपके यहाँ से किसी के अंदर सेना में जाने की इच्छा नहीं हुईन आपके मोहल्ले से, न आपके गाँव से!

आप देशभक्त हैं. इन दिनों रा-ज़रा सी बात पर बॉईलिंग पॉइंट को आपका खून टच करता रहता हैबाहर नौकरी का मौका मिलते ही आप दो सेकण्ड सोचने में नहीं लगाते,कागजात इकट्ठे करने के जुगाड़ में लगते हो. "अपॉरचुनिटी अच्छी है " का डायलॉग आप अपने बूढ़े माँ-बाप और रिश्तेदारों से शेयर करते हो, पर चार साल बाद बैंगलोर, नोएडा,हैदराबाद, मुंबई, गुड़गांव से अच्छी सैलरी की ऑफर के बाद भी आप वापस नहीं आना चाहते. 
नहीं यार, क़्वालिटी ऑफ़ लाइफ़’ नहीं है" कहीं यारों से कहते होबहुत बार पर्स्यूकरने पर "नहीं यार वो नहीं आना चाहती" कहकर आप शील्ड ले लेते हो.

अपनी गिल्ट आप भारत आये किसी नेता के सांस्कृतिक कार्यकर्म में तिरंगे कलर का कुर्ते पजामा पहनकर काम करते हो या इण्डिया के किसी क्रिकेट मैच में अपने फेस पर ट्राइकलर लगाकर. 

रात को फेसबुक पर आप जे एन यू की सब्सीसीडी बंद करने को सपोर्ट का हैशटैग करते हो. 

पता नहीं आपके इंस्टीट्यूट की सब्सिडी की भरपाई कौन करेगा.
आप की देशभक्ति और धर्म पिछली अप्रैल से सेंसिटिव हो गए है. बात-बात पर आपको धर्म याद आता है. धर्म से राष्ट्रप्रेम.

आपसे पूछा जाता है अथर्ववेद और ऋग्वेद में अंतर क्या है तो आपको पानी की प्यास लगने लगती है.
गायत्री मन्त्र लिखने को कहा जाये तो आपसे लिखा नहीं जाता अर्थ पूछने पर आप गूगल करते हो. 

जतिन दास कौन थे ये आपके लिए मुश्किल प्रश्न है.

आप ही इन दिनों सबसे बड़े राष्ट्रप्रेमी है और धर्म के लम्बरदार हैं!

-- Anurag Arya ( )

Emotional Intelligence

Emotional Intelligence is capacity of understanding our feelings/emotions as well as of others' and use them to better manage our relations.
Unlike past when public administration was impersonal and dehumanising, role of behaviour and nature of a bureaucrat has gained enormous importance.
Role of emotional intelligence in present situation has varied importance both in intrapersonal as well as interpersonal realms.
- Self-awareness- Bureuacrats need to know emotions, moods and drives of their peers and persons at whom public policy is targeted for better acquiantance with the nature of problems in society and their possible solutions.
- Self-regulation- An aware bureaucrat can guide his emotions and perform accordingly for betterment of society.
- Motivation- knowledge about his emotion, passion and sentiment as well as that of his peers can help motivate them and persist in adverse situations. This will also maximize organisational benefits together with timely achievement of targets.
- Empathy- understanding of others' problems helps in their quick and effective resolution.
- Social skills- proper management of societal relations also helps in lessening work-family conflict, enhances physical and mental health and provides job satisfaction.
Governance in modern times is becoming increasing complex with affective components of behaviour having a major role to play.
Intelligence quotient alone can't solve majority of problems an administrator faces, use of emotional intelligence is a must for better public service delivery as well as redressal.

Emotional Intelligence

Emotional intelligence is ability to manage and control one’s own emotions and emotion of people surrounding us to arrive at mature decisions. Emotional intelligence makes a public servant more effective, efficient and sensitive leader.
Since a public servant needs to deal and engage with large number of people on daily basis, emotional intelligence is necessary for every public servant. 
1. The EI equip him with maturing in coordinating and collaborating with others
2. It helps in resolving disputes and differences. 
3. It helps in ensuring optimal output from team members (government machinery) and maintaining harmony among them 
4. It helps in handling the issues in sensitive and considered manner without getting provoked by public anger and protests.
Based on public opinion and person experience, it can be said that most public servants in India lack emotional intelligence. This is manifested in insensitive public comments on women, treating general public with derision, inefficient working, and infighting among various organs of government and their inability or
unwillingness to address public grievances.

Emotional Intelligence

Emotional Intelligence is the ability to perceive and understand emotions, have empathy for others, and to be able to reflectively regulate emotions so as to enhance one's life emotionally as well as intellectually. 
In today's environment, civil services work within following challenges:
1) fast changing social and structural values.
2) Increasing regional, economic and digital divide. 
3) rising population and unemployment.
4) increased awareness of masses + simultaneous existence of voiceless marginalised poor. Add to it the proliferation of ICT, there's a greater chance of small issues to get politicised easily and quickly.
Therefore, it is important for a civil servant to be emotionally intelligent to easily manoeuvre through such difficult situations.
In civil services emotional intelligence can help in three ways :
1) to achieve amicable work environment - one gets the ability to gain a holistic approach and see long terms effects of one's actions; develop greater interpersonal skills; finding healthy ways to handle negative feelings by means of better communication.
2) Improvement in behaviour and performance of individual workers - it enables one to be motivated and motivate better; enhance group dynamics in terms of cooperation, collaboration and building bonds; he has the ability to appreciate diversity and value of others.
3) Improvement in organizational performance - a person equipped with good EQ has better leadership qualities as he knows when and how to lead and when to follow; he's the ability to be a change catalyst and maintain focus at the goal throughout.

Tuesday, February 23, 2016

To grow or not to grow

The coming Union Budget is a huge challenge for the government. The world economy is facing the severest stresses since the financial crisis of 2008. In 2015-16, the Indian economy will grow at 7-7.5 per cent, less than the 8.1-8.5 per cent projected earlier. On present trends, growth in 2016-17 will not be any higher than in 2015-16. India’s public sector banks (PSBs) are in their worst shapein over a decade. The stock market has declined to the level seen before the Narendra Modi government assumed power in 2014. Against this background, the promise of an early return to the growth path of 8 per cent has faded. The Budget must do what it takes to ensure an early return. As the animal spirits of businessmen are weak, government spending must take the lead.
The change since 2008

Following the financial crisis of 2008, the government knew what to do. It opted to provide both fiscal and monetary stimuli — as governments the world over did. This was the obvious thing to do then because there was space for both types of stimuli. Growth revived strongly in India after the crisis (although we had to reckon with higher inflation down the road).
The situation today is different. The space for fiscal stimulus is limited by the commitment on a fiscal consolidation path given by the government. The space for monetary stimuli is limited by the monetary policy framework agreed to by the government and the Reserve Bank of India, which commits the RBI to a time table for meeting specified targets for inflation.
As a result, the government today faces critical choices. Should it opt to accelerate growth in the present situation? If so, should it do so through fiscal stimulus or by creating conditions for a monetary stimulus? And how should it go about restoring the health of PSBs so that credit growth is not undermined?
The answers must be determined by the conditions on the ground. India’s growth is estimated to be below its growth potential. Two sources of aggregate demand, exports and private investment, are weak at the moment. Greater public investment is clearly the answer.
In the coming year, the government is not in a position to reduce costs significantly enough (by pruning subsidies drastically, for instance) or to raise revenues sufficiently (by disinvestment or a buoyancy in tax revenues). Something must give. This has to be the fiscal deficit target of 3.5 per cent for 2016-17.
Many economists oppose any departure from the stipulated path of fiscal consolidation. They say it will undermine investor confidence in the Indian economy. They warn that FIIs will flee the Indian market, and this will devastate the markets and the rupee.
One doubts that the situation is as grim as that. Foreign investors will see the case for boosting growth in the present international environment. They know that India’s macro-economic indicators are in better shape than those of most emerging markets. Rational investors will focus on the quality of spending, not the size of the fiscal deficit itself. As long as the departure from the fiscal deficit target is on account of higher investment spending (which is growth-inducing), they are unlikely to take a harsh view of matters.
The Brazil comparison

In his recent C.D. Deshmukh memorial lecture, RBI Governor Raghuram Rajan makes a stronger argument against any relaxation in fiscal consolidation. He believes attempts to boost growth can end up delivering even slower growth in future. He cites the example of Brazil that went down the path of fiscal stimulus only to end up with a shrinking economy last year. India’s consolidated fiscal deficit of the Centre and the States, he points out, is rivalled only by that of Brazil.
It is possible to exaggerate the comparison, and hence the dangers to macro-economic stability, of a limited fiscal stimulus at this point. Brazil is a commodity exporter and is a loser in a context in which commodities prices have been hammered down. India is a net importer of oil and hence a potential gainer. India’s public debt to GDP ratio has declined over the years and is today below 70 per cent, which looks a lot better than that of many advanced economies, including the U.K. and the U.S.
Not least, as the Mid-Year Review of the Finance Ministry points out, the fiscal multiplier — the increase in GDP per unit of government spending (or borrowing) — tends to be high in times of economic contraction. Any increase in the fiscal deficit will tend to be offset by an even greater increase in the GDP. This should cause the ratio of fiscal deficit to GDP to decline.
There’s a third argument against a fiscal stimulus at this point, that sticking to the 3.5 per cent target will make it easier for the RBI to drop its policy rate by, say, 25 basis points. We can thus facilitate growth through a monetary stimulus rather than a fiscal stimulus.
One wishes matters were as simple. First, it’s not clear that with retail inflation climbing to 5.7 per cent in January, the RBI will oblige with a rate cut soon. Second, we have seen that RBI rate cuts over the past year have not translated into commensurate reductions in lending rates. Of the 125 basis points in rate reduction since January 2015, banks have passed on only about 50-60 basis points.
There are many reasons for this. Banks face high deposit rates because of high regulated rates on government savings instruments. They have to contend with huge pressure on profits because of high non-performing assets, hence they need to maintain high margins (the difference between lending and borrowing rates).
Moreover, banks have traditionally priced their loans using the average cost of funds. When the rate of incremental borrowing falls (following a policy rate cut), it does not much impact the average cost of funds and hence the lending rate. The RBI has recently asked that banks link their lending rates for new loans to the marginal cost of funds. It will be a while before the impact of this change kicks in.
It is not the cost of loans alone that is the problem today. The volume of loans is also an issue. PSBs have seen their net worth being battered in recent days. This follows the RBI’s determination to get banks to recognise and provide for non-performing assets in full here and now. It has made clear its objective of cleaning up banks’ balance sheets by 2017.
This is a laudable objective. However, for banks to be able to lend freely, they need an adequate buffer of capital over and above the regulatory minimum. This can happen only if there is a substantial infusion of capital into PSBs by the government. The infusion of capital will have to be higher than the Rs.70,000 promised over four years under the Indradhanush plan. There is a case for relaxing the fiscal deficit target on this count too. Only then can credit revive strongly and private investment pick up.
The Modi government came to power on a promise of delivering faster growth and more jobs. We have seen two years of growth below 8 per cent. It’s hard to see the political authority reconciling itself to another year or two of the same growth rate — that would wash out most of the tenure of the present government. A departure from the fiscal consolidation path is the best answer to flagging growth. The risk to macro-economic stability can be managed.
(T.T. Ram Mohan is a professor at the Indian Institute of Management, Ahmedabad.)

Saturday, February 20, 2016

constraints faced by Indians regarding the medicine sector

The constraints faced by Indians regarding the medicine sector can be seen under the following heads –
1. Accessibility – 
(i) TN Model of Jan Aushadi Scheme has not been replicated in other parts of the country
(ii) Low health insurance coverage and leaving out certain widely used drugs(e.g. fot TB, diabetes etc.) out of price-ceiling regime
2. Affordability – 
(i) Calculation of drug prices is based on average of market-prices and not on cost-prices which has resulted in pharma companies fixing prices many times over production cost
(ii) While fixing price-ceilings, regional variability to accessibility to drugs was not factored in
3. Availability – 
(i) Issues of IPR, compulsory-licencing and export to developing countries has discouraged foreign investment
(ii) Low domestic research into drug-manufacturing due to shortage of funds, infrastructure in labs etc.
However, these constraints have also resulted in some positive development such as – 
1. A National Intellectual Property Policy is being drafted to ensure better IPR protection and improve foreign investments
2. 100% FDI in medical devices sector has been permitted which is expected to help in medicine-manufacturing
3. Impetus to traditional medicinal knowledge under the newly-formed Ministry of Ayush
4. Awareness campaigns under schemes like AMRIT etc.
Hence, we see that although there are constraints to easy drug-access, the government has been taking proactive measures to address the issue.

A Reply To Abhinav Kumar's Article

You Can Read Mr. Abhinav Kumar's Article Here-

यकीनन बहुत कम लोग हैं जो black and white  के चश्मे के अलावा इस केस को देख पा रहे हैं. For detractors of JNU, it is a clear case of sedition. For supporters, it is about the autonomy of a university and freedom of speech. लेकिन मैं proud but fractionally unemployed Indian हूँ और मेरे पास enough time है कि अपनी सोच बस कुछ एक माध्यम से न बनाऊं और different articles और debates का भी सहारा लूँ. न तो JNU का student हूँ, और न ही BJP का supporter इसलिए यकीनन मैं कह सकता हूँ कि पुलिस ने अपनी ड्यूटी निभाई है, लेकिन क्या पूरी तरह से? ये देखना होगा.

यकीनन freedom of speech पे reasonable restrictions हैं लेकिन 'reasonable' ही हैं , जो ये कहते हैं -
in case of contempt & public disorder, it is clearly mentioned that reasonable restriction should not be arbitrary & impairment of freedom should be as little as possible (in Article 19(2)). IPC और CrPC में धाराएं भी हैं (505, 121 आदि) यकीनन सोच समझ के रखी गईं होगी और होनी भी चाहिए. जैसा आपने कहा preventive detention के भी प्रावधान हैं Indian Constitution में लेकिन unfortunately India is only democratic country where concept of preventive detention is present.

लेकिन मुद्दे ये सारे नहीं हैं, मुद्दा ये है कि FIR के बाद पुलिस ने primary enquiry के बाद जिसे पकड़ा (कन्हैया कुमार) और जिस वीडियो के आधार पे पकड़ा उसमें क्या वो ऐसे नारे लगाते दिख रहा है? या ये तो नहीं कि वो रोकने आया हो. ( जिस वीडियो के आधार पे पकड़ा गया मीडिया (ABP News and India  Today News channels) ने उसे कल ही 'doctored' बताया है. )

यकीनन पुलिस primary investigation के आधार पे पकड़ सकती है और ये उनकी ड्यूटी है औ एक दफे मान भी लूँ कि कन्हैया कुमार को पकड़ उन्होंने अपनी ड्यूटी निभाई है तो पटियाला हाउस कोर्ट में जो हुआ जिसमें violence involve  थी, नारेबाजी भी, और उसका वीडियो भी available है वहां पर तत्परता दिखाने में वो क्यों चूक गई और केस भी 'बस अज्ञात' लोगों के खिलाफ ही क्यूँ? जबकि videos, pictures में ढेर सारे चेहरे साफ़ दिख रहे हैं, JNU वाले वीडियो में तो कन्हैया कुमार का चेहरा साफ़ भी नहीं दिख रहा था. मंगलवार की इस घटना को पुलिस कमिशनर द्वारा मामूली बताना बुधवार को भी वैसे ही घटना का कारण बनता है और गुरुवार को वकीलों के बीच हुई हाथा-पाई का भी.

क्या कारण हैं कि तत्परतायें, duties सिर्फ एक ही तरफ दिखाई गई. अच्छा होता अगर duties biased न होती और दोनों बार निभाई जाती. लेकिन ऐसा अक्सर नहीं होता और जब दिल्ली में ही ऐसा नहीं होता तो देश के remote areas में तो छोड़ ही दो. जहां आज भी पुलिस colonial era के वक़्त की तरह ही behave करती है (बुन्देखण्ड में भी, जहाँ से मैं हूँ.). जहां पुलिस के आते ही लोग सहम जाते हैं.

क्यों पुलिस politically और economically strong लोगों के favour में ही ड्यूटी करती नज़र आती है? जो इस केस में भी करती नज़र आई. पुलिस हमारी रक्षा के लिए है लेकिन क्यों पुलिस के आते ही हम सुरक्षा नहीं डर महसूस करते हैं?

सर, आपके ही जैसे शब्दों में कहूँ तो आज सिर्फ ये नामजद केस न दर्ज़ करने के बारे में है, कल ये politically और economically strong लोगों के favour में लोगों को बेवजह जेल में डालने के बारे में होगा, और परसों fake encounters होंगे.
JNU के छात्रों को तो कभी मैंने अबतक आतंकियों को पनाह देते नहीं सुना लेकिन पुलिस को ऊपर लिखा सब करते ज़रूर सुना है.

यकीनन Policing a democracy was never going to be easy और लोगों को पुलिस को अपनी ड्यूटी निभाने देना चाहिए. मैं आपकी बात से पूर्णत: इत्तेफ़ाक़ रखता हूँ लेकिन अगर पुलिस अपनी ड्यूटी सही से निभा रही हो तब ही. हमारी पुलिस की छवि अच्छी नहीं है और क्यों? ये भी जगजाहिर ही है. अख़बार में आपके ऊपर के ही article ('Still Left Out' - Chistophe Jafrelot) में लिखा था कि police and judiciary need to change attitude towards SCs and STs.  यदि मैं इसे enlarge कर के कहूँ तो Police and judiciary need to change attitude towards SCs, STs, minorities and politically, economically and socially marginal sections of society.  और जब तक ऐसा नहीं होगा लोगों की उंगलियां और सवाल दोनों ही उठते रहेंगे.

Police Reforms जबतक नहीं आते, जिनकी आपको भी दरकार है और हमें भी, तब तक इतना तो किया ही जा सकता है.

--Vivek VK Jain