India- Saudi Arabia

The real question, however, is whether the joint statements will be translated into actual policies. Despite some tensions, there is nothing substantial to suggest that the Pakistani-Saudi alliance is getting any worse. Even though the joint statement denounces all kinds of terrorism, the Saudis are accused of funding extremist groups in West Asia, particularly in war-torn Syria. Besides, there are some fundamental weak spots in India-Saudi ties, ranging from concerns about Indian workers in the kingdom to its funding of Wahhabi groups elsewhere, including in India. Another obvious concern is the drastic change under way in West Asia, and the aggressive role Riyadh is playing in regional geopolitics. During the visit Mr. Modi may have focussed on the positive factors of the relationship to improve ties, and rightly so. But India cannot afford to miss the big picture while finessing policies. There have to be mechanisms to address the flaws as well, without which the grand diplomatic overtures may not bear fruit. Also, India would be wary of appearing partisan at a time when the rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia is at its peak. The best way forward is to continue the multi-directional West Asia policy with more vigour, but maintaining its equilibrium.

FEMA and FERA

http://www.slideshare.net/DipaliGarg/fera-and-fema

Hydrocarbon Exploration Licensing Policy (HELP)

Hydrocarbon Exploration Licensing Policy (HELP) has been introduced with a view to realize the Hydrocarbon vision 2005 that seeks to explore potential oil and gas reserves by 2025. The new policy will have the following impacts-
#On Consumers-
1)Impetus to exploration in deep water and ultra deep water exploration through concessions would improve availability
2)Moving towards revenue sharing contracts (RSCs) ensures that revenue is shared with government from first batch of production. Improved revenues can be used for consumer welfare
3)Market linked pricing disincentivizes hoarding by producers and provide oil and gas at a better price

#On Producers-
Positives:
1)Open acreage policy allows the producer to acquire a hydrocarbon field at an early stage through bidding
2)Single and unified license for all hydrocarbons promotes ease of doing business because no need to acquire new license for every single hydrocarbon
3)Concessional royalty for difficult terrains allow producer to take exploration and improve profits

Negatives:
1)Move towards RSCs can reduce investment by producers as they do not feel confident about their recoveries
2)Imposing price cap on new gas produced from deep water and ultra deep water fields can hamper investment in gas production

The move is well intended an in line with Rangarajan committee's recommendation of moving towards RSCs to avoid production hassles as in case of KG-D6 basin.

India’s new federal polity takes root

In the past six weeks or so, beginning from just before the presentation of the Union budget on 29 February, several state governments have been, almost unnoticed by the national media, presenting their own budgets. Treating it as business as usual means we are missing a key moment in the evolution of India’s new federal polity.

This is because these state budgets are now beginning to reflect the radical makeover in fiscal relations between the Union government and the states that were put in place by the implementation of the recommendations of the 14th Finance Commission (FFC) chaired by former Reserve Bank of India governor Y.V. Reddy.

At its core, the FFC championed the idea that one size cannot fit all; particularly relevant in such a large country like India, which is culturally, topographically and economically so diverse. To be sure, this shift has been in the making, incrementally albeit, for the past two decades beginning with the 10th Finance Commission; what the FFC has done is to accelerate this pace dramatically.

The FFC abandoned the idea of tied aid—in the form of centrally sponsored programmes and grants—and instead trusted states to manage their own fiscal future. Not only did the states get the freedom to prioritize spending, the new formula sharply increased the share—from 32% to 42% of net Union tax receipts—of fiscal resources accruing to states. It further allowed states committing to greater fiscal discipline greater leeway to borrow from the market to fund their development priorities.

Effectively, the FFC had sowed the seeds of cooperative federalism as states have been accorded unprecedented fiscal freedom. For the first time, public expenditure is now decisively in the jurisdiction of states. Consequently, states are now greater stakeholders and the implementation of the single goods and services tax—pending before Parliament for the past 10 years and more—will only bind this relationship further.

The states took some time in absorbing this tectonic shift in fiscal federal relations and it is only from this year that they have begun to truly reflect in state budgets. Given that states prefer to use regional languages and do not often provide an English version, it is a struggle to follow these budgets. (The empowered group of state finance ministers should address this in haste; surely it can’t be difficult to come up with a bilingual version. After all, it is not just curious journalists, even foreign investors now closely scrutinizing states are a target group that should not be overlooked.)

The good news though is that PRS Legislative Research, a New Delhi-based independent research initiative to make the legislative process more transparent and accountable, is systematically tracking them down in a standard format. A cursory glance tells us how states have begun to prioritize their spending—natural, given that the socioeconomic needs cannot be the same across the country. For instance, Bihar has focused its resource allocation on the sectors of health, energy and panchayats, while in the case of Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, it is the social sector and energy.

Alongside, the Union government also launched an unprecedented clean-up of the power sector—mired in accumulated debt of nearly Rs.4 trillion, which was not only impeding fresh investments, but also threatening to snowball into a balance sheet crisis for banks that had loaned funds to state power utilities.

The Ujwal Discom Assurance Yojana or UDAY, launched last November, drew up a contract between the Union government and volunteering state governments (Nine, including Uttar Pradesh ruled by an opposition party, have inked this deal and have already begun implementing it) wherein the discom debt was transferred to the state government—who, in turn, would float bonds to fund it. Further, the discoms were required to adopt transparent pricing rules and also overhaul the creaking power infrastructure in their state—with the end objective of providing 24x7 power.

Taking the two developments together—a new formula to share fiscal resources and a structural fix to the power sector—means the Union and state governments together have hit the reset button on the federal polity. While one would resolve a key infrastructure bottleneck (even while it addresses a mindset about public utilities being required to bear the burden of political populism), the other provides unprecedented fiscal room to states.

Effectively, it confirms a new federal compact: an India where the sum of the parts will be greater than the whole.

Anil Padmanabhan is deputy managing editor of Mint and writes every week on the intersection of politics and economics.

मुझे कदम-कदम पर | गजानन माधव मुक्तिबोध

मुझे कदम-कदम पर
चौराहे मिलते हैं
बांहें फैलाए!
एक पैर रखता हूँ
कि सौ राहें फूटतीं,
मैं उन सब पर से गुजरना चाहता हूँ,
बहुत अच्छे लगते हैं
उनके तजुर्बे और अपने सपने....
सब सच्चे लगते हैं,
अजीब-सी अकुलाहट दिल में उभरती है,
मैं कुछ गहरे में उतरना चाहता हूँ,
जाने क्या मिल जाए!

मुझे भ्रम होता है कि प्रत्येक पत्थर में
चमकता हीरा है,
हर एक छाती में आत्मा अधीरा है
प्रत्येक सस्मित में विमल सदानीरा है,
मुझे भ्रम होता है कि प्रत्येक वाणी में
महाकाव्य पीडा है,
पलभर में मैं सबमें से गुजरना चाहता हूँ,
इस तरह खुद को ही दिए-दिए फिरता हूँ,
अजीब है जिंदगी!
बेवकूफ बनने की खातिर ही
सब तरफ अपने को लिए-लिए फिरता हूँ,
और यह देख-देख बडा मजा आता है
कि मैं ठगा जाता हूँ...
हृदय में मेरे ही,
प्रसन्नचित्त एक मूर्ख बैठा है
हंस-हंसकर अश्रुपूर्ण, मत्त हुआ जाता है,
कि जगत.... स्वायत्त हुआ जाता है।
कहानियां लेकर और
मुझको कुछ देकर ये चौराहे फैलते
जहां जरा खडे होकर
बातें कुछ करता हूँ
.... उपन्यास मिल जाते ।

Medical Council of India (MCI)

The Medical Council of India (MCI) is a statutory body for establishing uniform and high standards and norms of medical education in India. It grants recognition of medical qualifications, gives accreditation to medical schools, grants registration to medical practitioners and monitors medical practices in India. Recently it has suffered from the following problems:

>There have been cases of colleges getting accreditation on basis of money without proper checks, even if facilities and faculties exist only on paper. This is due to vested corporate interests.
>The president of the MCI was arrested on charges of corruption raising questions on its efficacy.
>Cases of medical seats being sold in private institutions raise questions on the quality of the students. Such students are not chosen on merit and hence may indulge in malpractices like bribery, improper treatment, etc.
>Lack of transparency on its functioning has reduced its accountability thus giving leeway to corrupt practices.

REFORMS NEEDED:

>Separation of its functions, i.e. a separate body for accreditation (recommended National Medical Council), another for undergraduate and postgraduate training, assessment of institutions and medical ethics.
>Its members should include people from non medical fields and community health experts, so that public interests are promoted.
>Stricter accreditation standards with regular monitoring to ensure only quality institutions get accredited.
>Strict monitoring mechanisms to ensure that there is no corruption in medical schools.
>Transparency through publishing reports in order to increase accountability.
>An exit test, to ensure uniform standards among medical professionals can be introduced.

With these reforms, the quality of medical institutions, practitioners and medical practices will be improved.

e-commerce recent regulations

India e-commerce industry is expected to become a $ 100 billion industry by 2020, and looking at its paradigm shift on the way sales was done it demanded strict regulation of e-commerce entities.

#E-market companies:
Negatives: 
- >Marketplace player cannot allow one vendor or its group companies to account for more than 25 per cent of sales through its platform, which will try to separate vendors from market players and will force marketplaces to make changes in their businesses involving costs.
- >The norm that market players cannot directly or indirectly influence the sale price of goods and services and shall maintain a level playing field is very ambiguous any paves way for reducing discounts and discretionary tendency of govt officials.

Positives: 
- > The guideline saying - sellers will be solely responsible for warranties and guarantees, provide protection to market players. 
- >It will help Small e-market companies viz-a-viz large Companies like Amazon, Flipkart etc

#Consumers: 
Negatives: 
- >Vaguely worded norm which prohibits ventures from “directly or indirectly” influencing the sale price of goods. This will act as a deterrent for discounts which will considerably impact consumer’s value for money expectations.
- >Restrict consumer choices as vendors are restricted.
- >The retail lobby can further demand of restrictions on e-commerce which is not in consumer interest.

Positives: 
- >Tightening control on e-commerce will streamline the sector and increase consumer confidence.

Though the rules are a step in right direction but need to bring more transparency as the sector largely depends on foreign investments for logistics development and is still running under losses as it is still under competition for market acquisition.

‘किसी को उदास देख कर’ | साहिर लुधियानवी

तुम्हे उदास सी पाता हूं मैं कई दिन से,
न जाने कौन से सदमे उठा रही हो तुम?

वो शोखियां वो तबस्सुम वो कहकहे न रहे
हर एक चीज को हसरत से देखती हो तुम।

छुपा-छुपा के खमोशी मे अपनी बेचैनी,
खुद अपने राज़ की तशहीर बन गई हो तुम।

मेरी उम्मीद अगर मिट गई तो मिटने दो,
उम्मीद क्या है बस इक पेशो-पस है कुछ भी नहीं।

मेरी हयात की गमगीनियों क गम न करो,
गमे-हयात गमे-यक-नफ़स है कुछ भी नहीं।

तुम अपने हुस्न की र‍अनाईयों पे रहम करो,
वफ़ा फ़रेब है तूले-हवस है कुछ भी नहीं।

मुझे तुम्हारे तगाफ़ुल से क्यों शिकायत हो,
मेरी फ़ना मेरे एहसास क तकाज़ा है।

मै जानता हूं कि दुनिया क खौफ़ है तुमको,
मुझे खबर है, ये दुनिया अज़ीब दुनिया है।

यहां हयात के पर्दे मे मौत पलती है,
शिकस्ते-साज की आवाज रुहे-नग्मा है।

मुझे तुम्हारी जुदाई का कोई रंज़ नहीं,
मेरे खयाल की दुनिया मे मेरे पास हो तुम।

ये तुमने ठीक कहा है, तुम्हे मिला ना करूं
मगर मुझे ये बता दो कि क्यों उदास हो तुम?

खफ़ा न होन मेरी ज़ुर्रते-तखातुब पर
तुम्हे खबर है मेरी जिंदगी की आस हो तुम? 

मेरा तो कुच भी नहीं है, मै रो के जी लूंगा,
मगर खुदा के लिये तुम असीरे-गम न रहो,

हुआ ही क्या जो तुम को जमने से छीन लिया
यहां पे कौन हुआ है किसी का, सोचो तो,

मुझे कसम है मेरी दुख भरी जवानी की
मै खुश हूं, मेरी मुहब्बत के फ़ूल ठुकरा दो।

मै अपनी रूह की हर एक खुशी मिटा लूंगा,
मगर तुम्हारी मसर्रत मिटा नहीं सकता।

मै खुद को मौत के हांथों मे सौंप सकता हूं,
मगर ये बारे-मसाइब उठा नहीं सकता।

तुम्हारे गम के सिवा और भी तो गम हैं मुझे
निजात जिनमे मै इक लहज़ा पा नहीं सकता।

ये ऊंचे ऊंचे मकानों के ड्योढियों के तले,
हर एक गाम पे भूखे भिखारियों की सदा।

हर एक घर मे ये इफ़लास और भूख का शोर
हर एक सिम्त ये इन्सानियत की आहो बका।

ये करखानों मे लोहे क शोरो-गुल जिसमे,
है दफ़्न लाखों गरीबो की रूह का नग्मा।

ये शाहराहों पे रंगीन साडियों की झलक,
ये झोपडों मे गरीबों की बेकफ़न लाशें।

ये माल-रोड पे कारों की रेल-पेल का शोर,
ये पटरियों पे गरीबों के ज़र्द-रू बच्चे।

गली-गली मे ये बिकते हुए जवां चेहरे,
हसीन आंखों मे अफ़सुर्दगी सी छाई हुई।

ये जंग और ये मेरे वतन के शोख जवां,
खरीदी जाती है उठती जवानियां जिनकी।

ये बात-बात पे कनूनों-जाब्ते की गिरफ़्त,
ये ज़िल्लतें, ये गुलामी, ये दौरे मज़बूरी।

ये गम बहुत है मेरी ज़िन्दगी मिटाने को, 
उदास रह के मेरे दिल को और रंज न दो।

फ़िर न कीजे मीरी गुस्ताख-निगाही का गिला
देखिये आपने फ़िर प्यारे से देखा मुझको।

तारुफ़ रोग हो जाए..... साहिर लुधियानवी

तारुफ़ रोग हो जाए तो उसको भूलना बेहतर,

ताल्लुक बोझ बन जाए तो उसको तोड़ना अच्छा ।

वो अफ़साना जिसे अन्जाम तक लाना न हो मुमकिन,

उसे एक ख़ूबसूरत मोड़ देकर छोड़ना अच्छा ॥

खून अपना हो या पराया हो | साहिर लुधियानवी

ख़ून अपना हो या पराया हो
नस्ले-आदम का ख़ून है आख़िर
जंग मग़रिब में हो कि मशरिक में
अमने आलम का ख़ून है आख़िर

बम घरों पर गिरें कि सरहद पर
रूहे-तामीर ज़ख़्म खाती है
खेत अपने जलें या औरों के
ज़ीस्त फ़ाक़ों से तिलमिलाती है

टैंक आगे बढें कि पीछे हटें
कोख धरती की बाँझ होती है
फ़तह का जश्न हो कि हार का सोग
जिंदगी मय्यतों पे रोती है

इसलिए ऐ शरीफ इंसानो
जंग टलती रहे तो बेहतर है
आप और हम सभी के आँगन में
शमा जलती रहे तो बेहतर है।