The case against higher FDI in the defence sector

There was some clamour in the news that Airbus wanted the foreign direct investment (FDI) to be increased to more than 49% if India wanted to get “OEMs (original equipment manufacturers) of quality”. India needs them “a lot”. And they would be able to invest in the domestic defence sector only if they get contracts as it takes “two to tango”.

There is already a provision in the new FDI policy that permits more than 49% investment, even as high as 100%, on a case-to-case basis with the approval of the Foreign Investment Promotion Board (FIPB). Though not stated in as many words, higher FDI would be permitted only when the investment is likely to result in access to modern and ‘state-of-the-art’ technology in the country. This carefully considered clause also conveys that in national interest, government will bend backwards and make exceptions. It is for FOEMs (foreign OEMs) like Airbus to accept the challenge and provide niche cutting-edge technologies in India to earn 100% FDI.

Any further increase in FDI limit in a strategic industry like defence may not be in the long-term national interest. It surely will be a disaster for the country’s attempt to build self-reliance. Increasing FDI from 26% to 49% was really unexpected and one reason as to why Indian defence industry did not whole-heartedly welcome the increase was the fear that soon FOEMs will ask for more, and it is happening now.

India is too big a market to be ignored. Global companies that are serious about maintaining leadership position in defence will have to tap into the Indian market, for ignoring India will imperil their leadership position. If they do ignore the Indian market, companies with global position of no. 2 or no. 3 will come in, play by the rules, reinvest their profits in research and development and occupy the leadership position while dislodging the incumbent. We should therefore not be fearful that we will lose out Foreign OEMs if we don’t listen to them. That is unlikely to happen.

Supporting these too-big-to-fail companies in India is not a good idea, as it was not a good idea even in North America and Europe. They first employ people and then threaten that if contracts are not given then jobs will go. No, even from a jobs point-of-view, it is better to have anti-fragile businesses doing work for Indian defence which are lean and mean and can sustain the downturns without handholding from Indian government. So it is better that we don’t “tango” with foreign OEMs especially on their absurd terms.

More importantly, there are some areas in defence in which India is rapidly building capability. Companies now have cutting edge technologies and have competed with the world’s best and won orders. Some are in the process of building new capabilities and technologies. Allowing higher FDI than 49% will kill Indian R&D especially as the foreign OEMs will target such budding capabilities. Indian industry needs support at this crucial juncture and keeping FDI below controlling limits would be one of the ways to support it.

The ministry of should encourage development of sub-systems and equipment by Indian firms within the shortest possible time and make the procedure for procurement easier. In cases where they find that Indian companies have what the Armed forces need, the procurement process should happen within a span of six months, including request for proposal (RFP), trial, and Commercial Negotiations committee. The recent announcement of Indigenously Designed, Developed and Manufactured (IDDM) clause and some very significant changes in ‘Make’ procedure in the forthcoming Defence Procurement Procedure 2016 are expected to unleash the talent of committed Indian R&D firms into the defence space. Even companies that have been doing outsourcing work for defence will find it worthwhile to start developing products for the Indian market where the margins will be healthier and purchase process much improved. Already companies in various segments are moving very fast to take advantage of this lucrative defence vertical.

Foreign OEMs, with total support of their government and sometimes large Indian industrial houses, have very formidable clout. They would always make every effort to further their cause. They will ask for more and more, as it is in their interest to do it. But their demands have to be weighed against the larger national interests. Higher FDI in defence would reduce Indian partners of FOEMs to passive spectators and destroy the indigenous Indian companies. Thus noises for higher FDI have to be ignored and earnest pleas of the Indian defence industry for a conducive growth environment be heard, acted on and supported.

Ashok Atluri is managing director, Zen Technologies Ltd, and chairman of Defence Innovators and Industry 

http://www.livemint.com/Opinion/lvBslknAbAKLLrTAxmPlpL/The-case-against-higher-FDI-in-the-defence-sector.html

The Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Amendment Bill, 2014

The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Amendment Bill, 2014 was introduced in the Lok Sabha by the Minister of Social Justice and Empowerment, Mr. Thaawar Chand Gehlot on July 16, 2014.   The Bill replaces the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Amendment Ordinance, 2014.  The Bill seeks to amend the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989.  The Act prohibits the commission of offences against members of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (SCs and STs) and establishes special courts for the trial of such offences and the rehabilitation of victims. Actions to be treated as offences:  The Act outlines actions (by non SCs and STs) against SCs or STs to be treated as offences.  The Bill amends certain existing categories and adds new categories of actions to be treated as offences.  Forcing an SC or ST individual to vote or not vote for a particular candidate in a manner that is against the law is an offence under the Act.  The Bill adds that impeding certain activities related to voting will also be considered an offence.  Wrongfully occupying land belonging to SCs or STs is an offence under the Act.  The Bill defines ‘wrongful’ in this context, which was not done under the Act.  Assaulting or sexual exploiting an SC or ST woman is an offence under the Act.  The Bill adds that: (a) intentionally touching an SC or ST woman in a sexual manner without her consent, or (b) using words, acts or gestures of a sexual nature, or (c) dedicating an SC or ST women as a devadasi to a temple, or any similar practice will also be considered an offence.  Consent is defined as a voluntary agreement through verbal or non-verbal communication.  New offences added under the Bill include: (a) garlanding with footwear, (b) compelling to dispose or carry human or animal carcasses, or do manual scavenging, (c) abusing SCs or STs by caste name in public, (d) attempting to promote feelings of ill-will against SCs or STs or disrespecting any deceased person held in high esteem, and (e) imposing or threatening a social or economic boycott.  Preventing SCs or STs from undertaking the following activities will be considered an offence: (a) using common property resources, (c) entering any place of worship that is open to the public, and (d) entering an education or health institution. The court shall presume that the accused was aware of the caste or tribal identity of the victim if the accused had personal knowledge of the victim or his family, unless the contrary is proved. Role of public servants:  The Act specifies that a non SC or ST public servant who neglects his duties relating to SCs or STs shall be punishable with imprisonment for a term of six months to one year.  The Bill specifies these duties, including: (a) registering a complaint or FIR, (b) reading out information given orally, before taking the signature of the informant and giving a copy of this information to the informant, etc.  Role of courts:  Under the Act, a court of Session at the district level is deemed a Special Court to provide speedy trials for offences.  A Special Public Prosecutor is appointed to conduct cases in this court.  The Bill substitutes this provision and specifies that an Exclusive Special Court must be established at the district level to try offences under the Bill.  In districts with fewer cases, a Special Court may be established to try offences.  An adequate number of courts must be established to ensure that cases are disposed of within two months.  Appeals of these courts shall lie with the high court, and must be disposed of within three months.  A Public Prosecutor and Exclusive Public Prosecutor shall be appointed for every Special Court and Exclusive Special Court respectively.  Rights of victims and witnesses:  The Bill adds a chapter on the rights of victims and witness.  It shall be the duty of the state to make arrangements for the protection of victims, their dependents and witnesses.  The state government shall specify a scheme to ensure the implementation of rights of victims and witnesses. The courts established under the Bill may take measures such as: (a) concealing the names of witnesses, (b) taking immediate action in respect of any complaint relating to harassment of a victim, informant or witness, etc.  Any such complaint shall be tried separately from the main case and be concluded within two months.

I Crave Your Mouth, Your Voice, Your Hair | Pablo Neruda

Don't go far off, not even for a day
Don't go far off, not even for a day, because --
because -- I don't know how to say it: a day is long
and I will be waiting for you, as in an empty station
when the trains are parked off somewhere else, asleep.

Don't leave me, even for an hour, because
then the little drops of anguish will all run together,
the smoke that roams looking for a home will drift
into me, choking my lost heart.

Oh, may your silhouette never dissolve on the beach;
may your eyelids never flutter into the empty distance.
Don't leave me for a second, my dearest,
 
because in that moment you'll have gone so far
I'll wander mazily over all the earth, asking,
Will you come back? Will you leave me here, dying?

--Pablo Neruda

सुख का दुख / भवानीप्रसाद मिश्र

जिन्दगी में कोई बड़ा सुख नहीं है,
इस बात का मुझे बड़ा दु:ख नहीं है, 
क्योंकि मैं छोटा आदमी हूँ, 
बड़े सुख आ जाएं घर में
तो कोई ऎसा कमरा नहीं है जिसमें उसे टिका दूं।

यहां एक बात 
इससॆ भी बड़ी दर्दनाक बात यह है कि,
बड़े सुखों को देखकर 
मेरे बच्चे सहम जाते हैं,
मैंने बड़ी कोशिश की है उन्हें 
सिखा दूं कि सुख कोई डरने की चीज नहीं है।

मगर नहीं
मैंने देखा है कि जब कभी 
कोई बड़ा सुख उन्हें मिल गया है रास्ते में
बाजार में या किसी के घर,
तो उनकी आँखों में खुशी की झलक तो आई है,
किंतु साथ साथ डर भी आ गया है।

बल्कि कहना चाहिये 
खुशी झलकी है, डर छा गया है, 
उनका उठना उनका बैठना
कुछ भी स्वाभाविक नहीं रह पाता,
और मुझे इतना दु:ख होता है देख कर
कि मैं उनसे कुछ कह नहीं पाता।

मैं उनसे कहना चाहता हूँ कि बेटा यह सुख है,
इससे डरो मत बल्कि बेफिक्री से बढ़ कर इसे छू लो।
इस झूले के पेंग निराले हैं 
बेशक इस पर झूलो, 
मगर मेरे बच्चे आगे नहीं बढ़ते 
खड़े खड़े ताकते हैं, 
अगर कुछ सोचकर मैं उनको उसकी तरफ ढकेलता हूँ। 

तो चीख मार कर भागते हैं, 
बड़े बड़े सुखों की इच्छा 
इसीलिये मैंने जाने कब से छोड़ दी है,
कभी एक गगरी उन्हें जमा करने के लिये लाया था
अब मैंने उन्हें फोड़ दी है।

Natural disasters

Unusually heavy rains in densely populated areas can brew a deadly cocktail for disaster. And recent Chennai floods have made us realize that proper planning is a must for any city in the 21^st century.

• Therefore, today, as India massively ramps up infrastructure and promotes smart cities, it’s time to build resilience into the blueprint for the future, strengthen cities’ ability to respond to a disaster, as well as to recover rapidly if it does occur.

What’s been done so far?

From the time a super-cyclone hit Odisha in 1999, and a devastating earthquake shook Gujarat in 2001, India has sought to build a safer, disaster-resilient nation.

• Odisha and Gujarat were among the first states to set up institutions to deal specifically with disasters. Then, in the aftermath of the 2004 tsunami, and following legislation in 2005, theNational Disaster Management Authority (NDMA) was established in 2006.
• India’s coastal areas are also making a beginning with a number of projects, including the Union government’s National Cyclone Risk Mitigation Project (NCRMP), building the resilience of power infrastructure by placing electrical cables underground, among other measures.
• The NCRMP, being implemented by the NDMA, is developing a digital platform that will help determine vulnerabilities to weather-related events along India’s coastline. This will help define land-use along the 7,500-km coast — three-fourths of which is cyclone-prone — and determine how strong we need to build to save lives.

At the global level too, efforts to boost urban resilience are gaining momentum. In 2014, nine institutions, including the World Bank and the Global Facility for Disaster Reduction and Recovery (GFDRR) — the world’s largest fund for disaster prevention and recovery — announced the Resilient Cities Initiative, a worldwide collaboration to make cities safer.

What else can be done reduce the impact?

• To increase resilience, critical infrastructure and services — schools, hospitals, water, electricity, communications systems, transportation, etc — will need to be built or retrofitted to withstand multiple hazards so that they continue to function in an emergency.
• Preventing urban flooding will be equally critical. Similarly, it will be important to upgrade waste collection as carelessly handled garbage and construction debris are a major cause of clogged water outlets.
• While modern technology can help forecast floods and cyclones, no precise methods exist to predict earthquakes. Enforcing building codes will therefore be imperative, especially in India where almost 60% of the landmass is seismically vulnerable.
• Timely data availability has to be ensured. All towns and cities will benefit by collecting and sharing data on population densities, critical infrastructure, buildings, etc, enabling them to direct urban growth to safer places.
• A swift response can keep casualties low. On the lines of Gujarat, emergency response centres should be established across India. Such centres should also be provided with specialised search and rescue equipment, and outfitted emergency vehicles so that they could navigate narrow city lanes expeditiously.
• Involving local communities is also critically important. In Odisha, for example, local volunteers have been trained as first responders and equipped to provide first-aid and conduct search and rescue operations, with special evacuation procedures to be followed for the disabled and elderly. In Gujarat, all schools, including rural ones, conduct exhaustive earthquake and fire drills that instil a deeprooted culture of safety and preparedness.
• Also needed is the reduction in the multiplicity of urban authorities and their alignment with disaster-conscious ways of thinking.
• There should also be disaster drills conducted to educate the public on what to do during an earthquake.

Conclusion:

Natural disasters are, of course, beyond human control. But human action and inaction can profoundly affect their outcome, exacerbating or mitigating their effects on people. Preparedness is the key to managing any more such disasters.

It is said that rising antimicrobial resistance is a serious threat to economic growth. Examine why. 

Increasing resistance of anti-microbial is a concern for health sector for countries. But another major of concern is it's project adverse impact on economy in following way-

a) Economic productivity of demographic dividend- It will hamper the quality and quantity of workforce. especially, in case of India, where demographic dividend is an advantages, increasing anti- microbial resistance is a major source of concern.e.g Tuberculosis can affect Indian youth severely.

b) Increasing health burden on Public- Resistance to anti-microbial will severely affect the health and budget of poor and vulnerable people, it will not only decrease their wage hours but also increase the unproductive expenditure on health. This may be a set back for poverty alleviation programs by govt.

c) Govt and Institutional expenditure- R&D has to be increased on development of new medicines, hospital costs will be increased and whole medical infrastructure and network has to be strengthen to deal with coming crisis, it will demand lot of resources, which could be used for more productive purpose like education.

Anti-microbial were like a revolution in health and economy sector, but their resistance can proved to be catastrophic also, Govt should take every possible step to deal with it from R&D in new drugs to awareness among people about anti-microbial usages.

INDIA-UAE-SAUDI ARAB

Prime Minister Narendra Modi will soon visit Brussels, Washington and Riyadh. While the visit to Belgium to attend the European Union-India summit and announce the restart of Free Trade Agreement negotiations is long overdue, and the visit to the U.S. for the Nuclear Security Summit is an old calendar commitment, it is the visit to Saudi Arabia that makes the loudest statement on Mr. Modi’s foreign policy agenda this year.

Elevating ties

In bilateral terms, Mr. Modi’s Riyadh stop has numerous possibilities. The first is the elevation of ties between the two countries that Foreign Minister Adel al-Jubeir spoke of during his visit to Delhi earlier this month. This involves upgrading three key agreements — the energy security partnership of 2008, the strategic partnership of 2010 (which has included robust anti-terror cooperation), and the defence partnership of 2014, signed just months before the Modi government was sworn in — and melding them to form the basis of a new relationship.

The second possibility, which is equally important, is improving the trade and investment relationship. Bilateral trade at about $40 billion (lower this year because of falling oil prices) must be built beyond its current oil dependence, say officials, and India is keen to see Saudi investments in India on a par with its expectations from the United Arab Emirates. Perhaps this is why Mr. Modi has chosen to stop at Riyadh first, even though he had committed to visiting two of Saudi Arabia’s rivals, Israel and Iran, at the earliest.

Finally, there are emerging avenues for partnerships that the two countries want to explore. As oil revenues are lower, Saudi Arabia is keen to project itself as a ‘kingdom of dreams’, a hub for manufacturing and technology. In particular, the Saudi government is pitching its mega project, the King Abdullah Economic City, with a deep-sea port as a connector between the East and the West, and wants India to see it as a gateway to its new forays into Africa.

Given that nearly half of India’s seven million-strong Gulf diaspora works in Saudi Arabia, with families back in India dependent on them, India is keen to see new jobs created for them. It is no secret that both countries would like to move away from the conventional image of exploited Indian labourers living in regimented Saudi labour camps. “This is far from the reality of the three million-plus Indians who live and work in Saudi Arabia,” says former Indian Ambassador to Saudi Arabia Talmiz Ahmad. “Many of them are top-end engineers and managers in Saudi projects, and it is unfortunate that a few horrific incidents and criminal acts involving Indians are extrapolated to represent the whole reality.” The truth is that recent negative reports — of a housemaid’s hand being severed in Saudi Arabia allegedly by her employer, or of the Saudi diplomat accused of keeping maids as sexual slaves in Delhi — have cast a shadow on ties, and had forced the Prime Minister to put off his visit to Riyadh more than once. Instead, both governments want to add a more positive and modern gloss to their ties. It is no coincidence that scientific and mathematical collaborations between Indian and Saudi Arabian researchers have seen the sharpest increase in the past few years.

Geopolitical signals

Mr. Modi’s visit will be watched most closely for its geopolitical signalling. In the subcontinent, it comes a year after ties between Saudi Arabia and its closest ally Pakistan were strained, when the Pakistani Parliament shot down a request to send troops to boost Saudi action in Yemen (which has left more than 3,000 dead). In contrast, during a telephone call to negotiate for Indian ships and planes to evacuate citizens, Prime Minister Modi went as far as to commend Saudi King Salman bin Abdulaziz and hope for a quick resolution of the region’s challenges “under [King Salman’s] leadership”.

Since then, Pakistan has made many attempts to make amends, but the refusal to join the Yemen bombing campaign as well as some ambivalence on joining the Saudi-led coalition to fight the Islamic State have affected what was once seen as the most closely woven relationship. In the run-up to Mr. Modi’s visit, Pakistani newspapers have written about the disquiet in Islamabad over closer India-Saudi ties, suggesting that the sudden trip by Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and Army Chief General Raheel Sharif to the Kingdom earlier this month was an attempt at reassurance rather than the military exercises they viewed together there.

Ties with the U.S., the Kingdom’s strongest international ally, are under a strain, as the Saudi government battles allegations of funding IS fighters even as it watches its arch-rival Iran bask in new-found international acceptance. Stung by this shifting narrative, the Kingdom’s most prominent diplomat Prince Turki bin Faisal recently wrote an angry article published in Arab papers titled “Mr. Obama, we are not ‘free riders’”. “Is it because you have pivoted to Iran so much that you equate the Kingdom’s 80 years of constant friendship with America to an Iranian leadership that continues to describe America as the biggest enemy,” he asked, listing what he claimed was Iran’s support to Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, even as he admitted that Saudi Arabia trains and funds Syrian “freedom fighters”.

Saudi Arabia’s other major ally China is attempting a similar shift. To the surprise of many, President Xi Jinping added Iran to his tour of Saudi Arabia and Egypt in January. While oil reserves were the currency of the past, connectivity is seen as the coinage for power in the future, and China’s entire focus at present is on the One Belt, One Road (OBOR) initiative. Iran plays a major part in OBOR as a connector to Central Asia as well as West Asia, not Saudi Arabia.

It is against this backdrop that Mr. Modi is trying to shore up ties with Saudi Arabia. It will be a visit high on potential, but in a region that is equally high on tensions, the Prime Minister will have to walk a tightrope.

suhasini.h@thehindu.co.in

हाय सरदार पटेल ! / मनमोहन

सरदार पटेल होते तो ये सब न होता
कश्मीर की समस्या का तो सवाल ही नहीं था
ये आतंकवाद-वातंकवाद कुछ न होता
अब तक मिसाइल दाग चुके होते
साले सबके सब हरामज़ादे एक ही बार में ध्वस्त हो जाते

सरदार पटेल होते तो हमारे देश में
हमारा इस तरह अपमान न होता !

ये साले हुसैन-वुसैन
और ये सूडो-सेकुलरिस्ट
और ये कम्युनिस्ट-वमुनिस्ट
इतनी हाय तौबा मचाते !
हर कोई ऐरे गैरे साले नत्थू खैरे
हमारे सर पर चठ़कर नाचते !

आबादी इस कदर बढ़ती !
मुट्ठीभर पढ़ी लिखी शहरी औरतें
इस तरह बक बक करतीं !

सच कहें,सरदार पटेल होते
तो हम दस बरस पहले प्रोफ़ेसर बन चुके होते !

यूपी, बिहार से उठा लाएंगे.

इस शहर उजाला नहीं
हम बस्तियां जला अँधेरा भगाएंगे.

रोटियां नहीं कोई गम नहीं
सपने में तुम्हें रोटियां चखाएंगे.

क्या कहा? यहां महोत्सव नहीं होते!
हम ख़ून की होलिका जलाएंगे.

तुम्हारे शहर का भी नाम होगा
आईपीएल में इसे जगह दिलाएंगे.

लड़कियां कम हैं कोई गम नहीं
यूपी, बिहार से उठा लाएंगे.

वोट हमको ही देना याद रखना
जो नहीं देंगे राष्ट्रद्रोही कहलायेंगे.

चालीस साल से हट रही गरीबी, भुखमरी
चालीस बरस नई स्कीम से हम भी हटाएंगे. 

कुछ प्रेम कहानियाँ बेवकूफियों में ख़त्म हो जाती हैं.

तुम्हें समझ नहीं आता बिबान?
'क्या समझ नहीं आता?'
'कि... कुछ नहीं जब तुम समझोगे... खैर पता नहीं समझोगे या......'

परछाइयाँ आदमी के साथ ही रुख कर जाती हैं. वो भी चली गई, उसकी परछाई भी ज़िन्दगी से....
--

कई महीनों बाद फ़ोन बजा...
'बिबान...'
मैं आवाज़ पहचान गया.

'मेरा नाम विवान है, बिबान नहीं...'
तूने 'व' को 'व' बोलना कब सीखा?'
'तुझे याद आ गई इतने दिन बाद.... जाते वक़्त तो नया नंबर भी नहीं दिया था.'
'चाहिए था तो फेसबुक पे भी मांग सकता था.'
'तुझे देना था...?'
'पता नहीं... सुन शादी है मेरी... तू आएगा?'
'सुन मैं तब भी समझता था, अब भी समझता हूँ. तूने मुझे समझा कभी?'

'विवान, मेरे से ज्यादा किसी ने समझा तुझे? छोड़ सब, आई लव्ड यू एंड आई लव यू...अभी शादी करने दे बस....!'
'ठीक है... नहीं आऊंगा.'
'पागल आना तू... तू रहेगा तो हिम्मत रहेगी.... बाकि मुझे पता है मैं 36-24-36 नहीं थी.'  वो चुप्पी के बाद बोली.

'तू अब तक ये समझती थी..!!! एक्चुअली मैं माचो (Macho ) नहीं था... अब भी नहीं हूँ.... और जिम न तब बस का था न अब है...'
'बस इसलिए... वाह रे शायर...पहली बार किसी ने लड़की खुद की फिज़िक (Physique ) देख के छोड़ी होगी....'

कुछ प्रेम कहानियाँ बेवकूफियों में ख़त्म हो जाती हैं.