अभी न जाओ छोड़ कर के दिल अभी भरा नहीं | साहिर लुधियानवी

अभी न जाओ छोड़ कर के दिल अभी भरा नहीं 
अभी अभी तो आई हो अभी अभी तो
अभी अभी तो आई हो, बहार बनके छाई हो
हवा ज़रा महक तो ले, नज़र ज़रा बहक तो ले
ये शाम ढल तो ले ज़रा ये दिल सम्भल तो ले ज़रा
मैं थोड़ी देर जी तो लूँ, नशे के घूँट पी तो लूँ
नशे के घूँट पी तो लूँ
अभी तो कुछ कहाँअहीं, अभी तो कुछ सुना नहीं
अभी न जाओ छोड़कर के दिल अभी भरा नहीं

सितारे झिलमिला उठे, सितारे झिलमिला उठे, चराग़ जगमगा उठे
बस अब न मुझको टोकना
बस अब न मुझको टोकना, न बढ़के राह रोकना
अगर मैं रुक गई अभी तो जा न पाऊँगी कभी
यही कहोगे तुम सदा के दिल अभी नहीं भरा
जो खत्म हो किसी जगह ये ऐसा सिलसिला नहीं
अभी नहीं अभी नहीं
नहीं नहीं नहीं नहीं
अभी न जाओ छोड़कर के दिल अभी भरा नहीं

अधूरी आस, अधूरी आस छोड़के, अधूरी प्यास छोड़के
जो रोज़ यूँही जाओगी तो किस तरह निभाओगी
कि ज़िंदगी की राह में, जवाँ दिलों की चाह में
कई मुक़ाम आएंगे जो हम को आज़माएंगे
बुरा न मानो बात का ये प्यार है गिला नहीं
हाँ, यही कहोगे तुम सदा के दिल अभी नहीं भर
हाँ, दिल अभी भरा नहीं
नहीं नहीं नहीं नहीं
------

दुख और सुख के रास्ते, बने हैं सब के वास्ते
जो ग़म से हार जाओगे, तो किस तरह निभाओगे
खुशी मिले हमें के ग़म, खुशी मिले हमे के ग़म
जो होगा बाँट लेंगे हम
मुझे तुम आज़माओ तो
ज़रा नज़र मिलाओ तो,  ज़रा नज़र मिलाओ तो
ये जिस्म दूर हैं मगर
दिलों में फ़ासला नहीं
जहाँ में ऐसा कौन है, कि जिसको ग़म मिला नहीं \- २

तुम्हारे प्यार की क़सम,  तुम्हारा ग़म है मेरा ग़म
न यूँ बुझे बुझे रहो,  जो दिल की बात है कहो
जो मुझ से भी छुपाओगे,  जो मुझ से भी छुपाओगे
तो फिर किसे बताओगे
मैं कोइ गैर तो नहीं
दिलाऊँ किस तरह यक़ीं, दिलाऊँ किस तरह यक़ीं
कि तुम से मैं जुदा नहीं
मुझ से तुम जुदा नहीं

तुम से मैं जुदा नहीं,  मुझ से तुम जुदा नहीं

तुम से मैं जुदा नहीं,  मुझ से तुम जुदा नहीं ...

Use This Mind Game to Achieve Your Goals

In setting a self-improvement goal, strategic assessment of your chances of success can be a huge motivator, says philosopher Jim Stone, Ph.D., who develops personal productivity software and workshops.

Say you want to give up smoking (or another vice): You’d typically think, If I smoke, I have failed. But if you mentally open yourself to many ways not to smoke (versus that one singular failure scenario), you view success as likelier: I will do push-ups instead of smoking, I will call a friend instead of smoking, I will read a magazine instead of smoking, or I will drink coffee instead of smoking. In other words, there’s only one way to fail and so many ways to succeed. Your success chances seem much stronger, and you harness the power of self-fulfilling prophecy.

The same mindset can aid the launch of a positive habit, such as logging 20 minutes of exercise a day. Think of failure as I won’t get 20 minutes of exercise today. Then embrace the many favorable outcomes (I will walk for 20 minutes at lunch, I will jog around the block twice before breakfast, I will ride my stationary bicycle during my favorite sitcom, or I will review my printouts while I walk the treadmill at the gym), and your willpower—and your odds—improve.

Let your mind play tricks on you… in a good way!

- See more at: http://www.success.com/article/use-this-mind-game-to-achieve-your-goals#sthash.9fIaRpW6.dpuf

Public Health Policies

The Minister for Finance and Corporate Affairs and Information and Broadcasitng, Shri Arun Jaitley has announced a New Health Protection Scheme in the Budget 2016-17. In his Budget address in the Parliament today, the Finance Minister expressed concern that a serious illness of family member(s) causes severe stress on the financial condition of poor and economically weak families, shaking the foundation of their economic security. In order to help such families, the Government will launch a new health protection scheme which will provide health cover up-to rupees one lakh per family, the Finance Minister said. For Senior citizens of the age 60 years and above belonging to this category, an additional top-up package up to Rs.30,000 will be provided. 

The Finance Minister Shri Jaitley stated that making quality medicines available at affordable prices has been a key challenge. “We will reinvigorate the supply of generic drugs. 3,000 stores under Prime Minister’s Jan Aushadhi Yojana will be opened during 2016-17”, the Minister added. 

About 2.2 lakh new patients of End Stage Renal Disease get added in India every year resulting in additional demand for 3.4 Crore dialysis sessions. With approximately 4,950 dialysis centres in India, largely in the private sector and concentrated in the major towns, the demand is only half met. Every dialysis session costs about Rs.2,000 – an annual expenditure of more than Rs. 3 lakh. Besides, most families have to undertake frequent trips, often over long distances, to access dialysis services, incurring heavy travel costs and loss of wages. 

To address this situation, Shri Arun Jaitley proposed to start a ‘National Dialysis Services Programme’. Funds will be made available through PPP Mode under the National Health Mission, to provide dialysis services in all district hospitals. To reduce the cost, the Finance Minister proposed to exempt certain parts of dialysis equipment from basic customs duty, excise/CVD and SAD. 

S.R. Bommai v. Union of India case | Clarity after Bommai

The destruction of the Babri Masjid saw P.V. Narasimha Rao’s government dismiss four State governments lead by the BJP. In 1994, the challenge to this dismissal and earlier impositions of President’s Rule came to be decided by a nine-judge bench in the S.R. Bommai v. Union of India case.

The judgment held that the President’s satisfaction in the invocation of Article 356 could be inquired into by the courts. It upheld the dismissal of the BJP governments to protect secularism, which was part of the Constitution’s basic structure. It held that the President was required to act on objective material and that Article 356 could only be resorted to when there was a breakdown of constitutional machinery as distinguished from an ordinary breakdown of law and order.

The court also held that in no case should a State Assembly be dissolved without Parliament approving the proclamation, and that a test of numerical strength could only be conducted on the floor of the Assembly and not outside it. Relying on a Pakistani Supreme Court decision in Nawaz Sharif’s case, the judgment ruled that an improperly dismissed government could be restored to office. Thus, during Narasimha Rao’s minority government, citizens saw the Supreme Court becoming a strong bulwark of constitutional right and propriety.

The doctrine in Bommai came to be applied by the Supreme Court in the Bihar case of Rameshwar Prasad & Ors v. Union of India . In 2005, Governor Buta Singh, after an inconclusive election, recommended the dissolution of the State Assembly, without it being convened even once. The Court struck down the imposition as unconstitutional but refused to restore the Assembly because another election had already been ordered. Governor Buta Singh resigned in the wake of the judgment.

Since 1994, the instances of the imposition of President’s rule have dwindled considerably. It is only in recent times that a spurt has been seen, and more instances seem to be on the horizon. This year, the Supreme Court has heard for nearly a month the challenge to the imposition of Article 356 in Arunachal Pradesh. Here, a fresh alignment of forces may have overtaken any relief that was possible at the hands of the court. The Uttarakhand case too is soon likely to reach the Supreme Court. The doctrines and parameters of judicial review have already been set out. The question is of the willingness of the judiciary to cut through the political thicket in time to be of consequence to the political process. A majority government may well be tempted to brave an adverse verdict in the distant future, if there is an immediate gain of adding another outpost to the empire.

Our quasi-federal Constitution with unitary features has from time to time seen centrifugal forces overpower centripetal accelerations. But a unitary empire, where Centre and States are always in political tandem, is not what the Constitution makers envisaged. Willing partnerships cannot be turned into forced marriages. India that is Bharat was to be a Union of States. It is now sought to be turned into a state of Union. The Union government may well heed William Butler Yeats’s apocalyptic warning of a world where: “Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold;/ Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world,/ The blood-dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere/ The ceremony of innocence is drowned;/ The best lack all conviction, while the worst/ Are full of passionate intensity.”

Sanjay Hegde is a senior advocate of the

Holocaust and Anti-Zionism vs Anti-Semitism

Holocaust was a genocide in which about 6 million Jews were killed by Nazis led by Hitler.

Reasons for Holocaust :-

1. Racist attitude of Nazis :- The Nazis believed that their Aryan Race (Europeans who were not Jewish, Romany or Slavic) was superior to others.
2. Stab-in-the-back theory :- It was believed that the Jews had sabotaged the war effort which led to the defeat of Germany in WW1.
3. Centuries of Anti-Semitism :- The Jews had been persecuted for a long time. Centuries of hatred for Jews made it easy it carry out their killing as people turned a blind eye towards their plight.
4. A scapegoat :- The humiliation of Germany in Treaty of Versailles and later its economic slowdown and hyperinflation had to blamed to someone. Thus the Jews were used as a scapegoat.

Anti-Zionism vs Anti-Semitism

1. Anti-Zionism is opposing Zionism which is a nationalism of Jews that supports a Jewish nation state to be established in Israel. However Anti-Semitism is a prejudiced hatred against Jews just because they are Jews.
2. A person can be anti-Zionist without being an anti-Semite in the sense that s/he can oppose the creation of Israel without having to hate Jews.
3. A person can be anti-Semitic without having to be anti-Zionist in the sense that s/he can support the creation of Israel to deport Jews there as s/he hates them.

The case against higher FDI in the defence sector

There was some clamour in the news that Airbus wanted the foreign direct investment (FDI) to be increased to more than 49% if India wanted to get “OEMs (original equipment manufacturers) of quality”. India needs them “a lot”. And they would be able to invest in the domestic defence sector only if they get contracts as it takes “two to tango”.

There is already a provision in the new FDI policy that permits more than 49% investment, even as high as 100%, on a case-to-case basis with the approval of the Foreign Investment Promotion Board (FIPB). Though not stated in as many words, higher FDI would be permitted only when the investment is likely to result in access to modern and ‘state-of-the-art’ technology in the country. This carefully considered clause also conveys that in national interest, government will bend backwards and make exceptions. It is for FOEMs (foreign OEMs) like Airbus to accept the challenge and provide niche cutting-edge technologies in India to earn 100% FDI.

Any further increase in FDI limit in a strategic industry like defence may not be in the long-term national interest. It surely will be a disaster for the country’s attempt to build self-reliance. Increasing FDI from 26% to 49% was really unexpected and one reason as to why Indian defence industry did not whole-heartedly welcome the increase was the fear that soon FOEMs will ask for more, and it is happening now.

India is too big a market to be ignored. Global companies that are serious about maintaining leadership position in defence will have to tap into the Indian market, for ignoring India will imperil their leadership position. If they do ignore the Indian market, companies with global position of no. 2 or no. 3 will come in, play by the rules, reinvest their profits in research and development and occupy the leadership position while dislodging the incumbent. We should therefore not be fearful that we will lose out Foreign OEMs if we don’t listen to them. That is unlikely to happen.

Supporting these too-big-to-fail companies in India is not a good idea, as it was not a good idea even in North America and Europe. They first employ people and then threaten that if contracts are not given then jobs will go. No, even from a jobs point-of-view, it is better to have anti-fragile businesses doing work for Indian defence which are lean and mean and can sustain the downturns without handholding from Indian government. So it is better that we don’t “tango” with foreign OEMs especially on their absurd terms.

More importantly, there are some areas in defence in which India is rapidly building capability. Companies now have cutting edge technologies and have competed with the world’s best and won orders. Some are in the process of building new capabilities and technologies. Allowing higher FDI than 49% will kill Indian R&D especially as the foreign OEMs will target such budding capabilities. Indian industry needs support at this crucial juncture and keeping FDI below controlling limits would be one of the ways to support it.

The ministry of should encourage development of sub-systems and equipment by Indian firms within the shortest possible time and make the procedure for procurement easier. In cases where they find that Indian companies have what the Armed forces need, the procurement process should happen within a span of six months, including request for proposal (RFP), trial, and Commercial Negotiations committee. The recent announcement of Indigenously Designed, Developed and Manufactured (IDDM) clause and some very significant changes in ‘Make’ procedure in the forthcoming Defence Procurement Procedure 2016 are expected to unleash the talent of committed Indian R&D firms into the defence space. Even companies that have been doing outsourcing work for defence will find it worthwhile to start developing products for the Indian market where the margins will be healthier and purchase process much improved. Already companies in various segments are moving very fast to take advantage of this lucrative defence vertical.

Foreign OEMs, with total support of their government and sometimes large Indian industrial houses, have very formidable clout. They would always make every effort to further their cause. They will ask for more and more, as it is in their interest to do it. But their demands have to be weighed against the larger national interests. Higher FDI in defence would reduce Indian partners of FOEMs to passive spectators and destroy the indigenous Indian companies. Thus noises for higher FDI have to be ignored and earnest pleas of the Indian defence industry for a conducive growth environment be heard, acted on and supported.

Ashok Atluri is managing director, Zen Technologies Ltd, and chairman of Defence Innovators and Industry 

http://www.livemint.com/Opinion/lvBslknAbAKLLrTAxmPlpL/The-case-against-higher-FDI-in-the-defence-sector.html

The Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Amendment Bill, 2014

The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Amendment Bill, 2014 was introduced in the Lok Sabha by the Minister of Social Justice and Empowerment, Mr. Thaawar Chand Gehlot on July 16, 2014.   The Bill replaces the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Amendment Ordinance, 2014.  The Bill seeks to amend the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989.  The Act prohibits the commission of offences against members of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (SCs and STs) and establishes special courts for the trial of such offences and the rehabilitation of victims. Actions to be treated as offences:  The Act outlines actions (by non SCs and STs) against SCs or STs to be treated as offences.  The Bill amends certain existing categories and adds new categories of actions to be treated as offences.  Forcing an SC or ST individual to vote or not vote for a particular candidate in a manner that is against the law is an offence under the Act.  The Bill adds that impeding certain activities related to voting will also be considered an offence.  Wrongfully occupying land belonging to SCs or STs is an offence under the Act.  The Bill defines ‘wrongful’ in this context, which was not done under the Act.  Assaulting or sexual exploiting an SC or ST woman is an offence under the Act.  The Bill adds that: (a) intentionally touching an SC or ST woman in a sexual manner without her consent, or (b) using words, acts or gestures of a sexual nature, or (c) dedicating an SC or ST women as a devadasi to a temple, or any similar practice will also be considered an offence.  Consent is defined as a voluntary agreement through verbal or non-verbal communication.  New offences added under the Bill include: (a) garlanding with footwear, (b) compelling to dispose or carry human or animal carcasses, or do manual scavenging, (c) abusing SCs or STs by caste name in public, (d) attempting to promote feelings of ill-will against SCs or STs or disrespecting any deceased person held in high esteem, and (e) imposing or threatening a social or economic boycott.  Preventing SCs or STs from undertaking the following activities will be considered an offence: (a) using common property resources, (c) entering any place of worship that is open to the public, and (d) entering an education or health institution. The court shall presume that the accused was aware of the caste or tribal identity of the victim if the accused had personal knowledge of the victim or his family, unless the contrary is proved. Role of public servants:  The Act specifies that a non SC or ST public servant who neglects his duties relating to SCs or STs shall be punishable with imprisonment for a term of six months to one year.  The Bill specifies these duties, including: (a) registering a complaint or FIR, (b) reading out information given orally, before taking the signature of the informant and giving a copy of this information to the informant, etc.  Role of courts:  Under the Act, a court of Session at the district level is deemed a Special Court to provide speedy trials for offences.  A Special Public Prosecutor is appointed to conduct cases in this court.  The Bill substitutes this provision and specifies that an Exclusive Special Court must be established at the district level to try offences under the Bill.  In districts with fewer cases, a Special Court may be established to try offences.  An adequate number of courts must be established to ensure that cases are disposed of within two months.  Appeals of these courts shall lie with the high court, and must be disposed of within three months.  A Public Prosecutor and Exclusive Public Prosecutor shall be appointed for every Special Court and Exclusive Special Court respectively.  Rights of victims and witnesses:  The Bill adds a chapter on the rights of victims and witness.  It shall be the duty of the state to make arrangements for the protection of victims, their dependents and witnesses.  The state government shall specify a scheme to ensure the implementation of rights of victims and witnesses. The courts established under the Bill may take measures such as: (a) concealing the names of witnesses, (b) taking immediate action in respect of any complaint relating to harassment of a victim, informant or witness, etc.  Any such complaint shall be tried separately from the main case and be concluded within two months.

I Crave Your Mouth, Your Voice, Your Hair | Pablo Neruda

Don't go far off, not even for a day
Don't go far off, not even for a day, because --
because -- I don't know how to say it: a day is long
and I will be waiting for you, as in an empty station
when the trains are parked off somewhere else, asleep.

Don't leave me, even for an hour, because
then the little drops of anguish will all run together,
the smoke that roams looking for a home will drift
into me, choking my lost heart.

Oh, may your silhouette never dissolve on the beach;
may your eyelids never flutter into the empty distance.
Don't leave me for a second, my dearest,
 
because in that moment you'll have gone so far
I'll wander mazily over all the earth, asking,
Will you come back? Will you leave me here, dying?

--Pablo Neruda

सुख का दुख / भवानीप्रसाद मिश्र

जिन्दगी में कोई बड़ा सुख नहीं है,
इस बात का मुझे बड़ा दु:ख नहीं है, 
क्योंकि मैं छोटा आदमी हूँ, 
बड़े सुख आ जाएं घर में
तो कोई ऎसा कमरा नहीं है जिसमें उसे टिका दूं।

यहां एक बात 
इससॆ भी बड़ी दर्दनाक बात यह है कि,
बड़े सुखों को देखकर 
मेरे बच्चे सहम जाते हैं,
मैंने बड़ी कोशिश की है उन्हें 
सिखा दूं कि सुख कोई डरने की चीज नहीं है।

मगर नहीं
मैंने देखा है कि जब कभी 
कोई बड़ा सुख उन्हें मिल गया है रास्ते में
बाजार में या किसी के घर,
तो उनकी आँखों में खुशी की झलक तो आई है,
किंतु साथ साथ डर भी आ गया है।

बल्कि कहना चाहिये 
खुशी झलकी है, डर छा गया है, 
उनका उठना उनका बैठना
कुछ भी स्वाभाविक नहीं रह पाता,
और मुझे इतना दु:ख होता है देख कर
कि मैं उनसे कुछ कह नहीं पाता।

मैं उनसे कहना चाहता हूँ कि बेटा यह सुख है,
इससे डरो मत बल्कि बेफिक्री से बढ़ कर इसे छू लो।
इस झूले के पेंग निराले हैं 
बेशक इस पर झूलो, 
मगर मेरे बच्चे आगे नहीं बढ़ते 
खड़े खड़े ताकते हैं, 
अगर कुछ सोचकर मैं उनको उसकी तरफ ढकेलता हूँ। 

तो चीख मार कर भागते हैं, 
बड़े बड़े सुखों की इच्छा 
इसीलिये मैंने जाने कब से छोड़ दी है,
कभी एक गगरी उन्हें जमा करने के लिये लाया था
अब मैंने उन्हें फोड़ दी है।

Natural disasters

Unusually heavy rains in densely populated areas can brew a deadly cocktail for disaster. And recent Chennai floods have made us realize that proper planning is a must for any city in the 21^st century.

• Therefore, today, as India massively ramps up infrastructure and promotes smart cities, it’s time to build resilience into the blueprint for the future, strengthen cities’ ability to respond to a disaster, as well as to recover rapidly if it does occur.

What’s been done so far?

From the time a super-cyclone hit Odisha in 1999, and a devastating earthquake shook Gujarat in 2001, India has sought to build a safer, disaster-resilient nation.

• Odisha and Gujarat were among the first states to set up institutions to deal specifically with disasters. Then, in the aftermath of the 2004 tsunami, and following legislation in 2005, theNational Disaster Management Authority (NDMA) was established in 2006.
• India’s coastal areas are also making a beginning with a number of projects, including the Union government’s National Cyclone Risk Mitigation Project (NCRMP), building the resilience of power infrastructure by placing electrical cables underground, among other measures.
• The NCRMP, being implemented by the NDMA, is developing a digital platform that will help determine vulnerabilities to weather-related events along India’s coastline. This will help define land-use along the 7,500-km coast — three-fourths of which is cyclone-prone — and determine how strong we need to build to save lives.

At the global level too, efforts to boost urban resilience are gaining momentum. In 2014, nine institutions, including the World Bank and the Global Facility for Disaster Reduction and Recovery (GFDRR) — the world’s largest fund for disaster prevention and recovery — announced the Resilient Cities Initiative, a worldwide collaboration to make cities safer.

What else can be done reduce the impact?

• To increase resilience, critical infrastructure and services — schools, hospitals, water, electricity, communications systems, transportation, etc — will need to be built or retrofitted to withstand multiple hazards so that they continue to function in an emergency.
• Preventing urban flooding will be equally critical. Similarly, it will be important to upgrade waste collection as carelessly handled garbage and construction debris are a major cause of clogged water outlets.
• While modern technology can help forecast floods and cyclones, no precise methods exist to predict earthquakes. Enforcing building codes will therefore be imperative, especially in India where almost 60% of the landmass is seismically vulnerable.
• Timely data availability has to be ensured. All towns and cities will benefit by collecting and sharing data on population densities, critical infrastructure, buildings, etc, enabling them to direct urban growth to safer places.
• A swift response can keep casualties low. On the lines of Gujarat, emergency response centres should be established across India. Such centres should also be provided with specialised search and rescue equipment, and outfitted emergency vehicles so that they could navigate narrow city lanes expeditiously.
• Involving local communities is also critically important. In Odisha, for example, local volunteers have been trained as first responders and equipped to provide first-aid and conduct search and rescue operations, with special evacuation procedures to be followed for the disabled and elderly. In Gujarat, all schools, including rural ones, conduct exhaustive earthquake and fire drills that instil a deeprooted culture of safety and preparedness.
• Also needed is the reduction in the multiplicity of urban authorities and their alignment with disaster-conscious ways of thinking.
• There should also be disaster drills conducted to educate the public on what to do during an earthquake.

Conclusion:

Natural disasters are, of course, beyond human control. But human action and inaction can profoundly affect their outcome, exacerbating or mitigating their effects on people. Preparedness is the key to managing any more such disasters.