Wednesday, May 27, 2015

Chief of Defence Staff (CDS)

For many years defence analysts are suggesting that India should create the post of Chief of Defence Staff (CDS).  Critically examine why this suggestion is made and its importance for national security. 


A country's military strength depends on its military capacities at ground, air and water, combinedly. Modern warfare, which are rare though, and deterrence capabilities of a country are a creative and complex combination of capabilities in these three spaces.
All the three arms of India's military have been headed by three different officers, without any explicit integration between them. The Defence Minister is the only person above them, and being a politician, he is not expected to be aware of the intricacies of such coordination between the three arms of military.
Following are the reasons for the need of CDS:
1)It will provide the three arms with a unity of purpose required in operations involving more than one form of military and establish a synergy between three forces.
2) It will act as the direct link between the defence ministry and the country's military.
3) It will help the ministry in drafting better defence policies as the CDS would be able to provide a larger picture of the condition of military.
4) It will also help in fixing accountability as in multi-dimensional operations, CDS will be responsible for is success or failure.
However, a CDS may not have the full experience of every force except his own in which he served. This may lead to friction between CDS and the head of other two forces and may prove counter-productive. Also, concentrating power, as well as responsibility, in one person may not produce desired result. A body like a Coucil headed by CDS can produce desired results.
With India eyeing towards military expansion, establishing a CDS is a logical step. Internally, border security has been the most pressing issue. Even in disaster management, the role of military is indispensable: Role of army in J&K floods, of navy in Yemen to save Indians, and of air force in providing relief material. Externally, as a part of diplomatic strategy, India's military has carried out operations.
Hence, establishment of CDS is a must.

Moral Bank of China

As it goes What gets measured Gets managed.Recent Chinese Initiative of the Morality bank is based on Promotion, Encouragement of good Deeds, and community service in an Credit based/points based system. Various and Different level of awards are accorded to various humanistic and altrustic deeds for instance donation of Blood ,Stem cells are kept at higher level considering the greater number of accident and requirements for the Same . Such Carefully designed and neatly Packed Product Based Generosity "Accounts" may create the awareness aiming the Individuals about various Cooperation required in the society which otherwise would have been neglected/avoided. Such points /credits are redeemable for services like health, Personnel etc . It Is based on the Principle that rewarding for Performance or Deeds Motivates the individuals to perform[ Perform as more huma] in a Better way
It is difficult to say whether it will work here or not as many experiments worked abroad may not have worked in India. However one must not be Discouraged or refrain from implementing . It should be taken as project by administrator and rewards on basis of points can be used. Recently Good Samaritan law passed can be well synced to the Points/credit based system
In addition to it Points can be used as Electoral campaign and thereby creating morality in political sphere , such can help in generating greater people Participation and less expenditure on the advertisement in the Elections . Also while positive points are given negative points can/should be awarded for say VIP culture, misusing /embezzling the funds /graft issues . Thus People with good political image shall win which until now is mainly on Money and power in campaigns.
In sum Such experiment is win win Situation In carious spheres

India’s foreign policy in West Asia

Despite being a major player in the region, it is said that India’s foreign policy in West Asia lacks vision and is nearly moribund. Critically examine why.

India has a strong influence in the West Asia and North Africa due to various reasons like old civilizational ties with Egypt, Mesopotamia, Persia; old sea trade routes; Khilafat Movement days; the Non Aligned Movement amd the Bollywood. Today the region holds immense importance for an aspirational India. There are about 7 million Indians working in these areas that are a source of huge remittances despite facing gruelling working conditions with little social security amd prospects of eviction due to domestication of jobs. Most of India's trade passes through Suez Canal and India depends upon oil (70%) from this region only. Paksitan enjoys cosniderable influence there as well due to Islamic nature.
Of late, India had recently lost much ground in these regions due to wide involvement of the West, specially after 9/11. India's stance has often vacillated on key issues as is evident from voting patterns in the UN. For example India abstained from voting on Libya and did not oppose when the West pushed for regime change. In Syria, India did not raise voice against IS Congress's decision to arm moderate Syriam rebels despite India's own bitter past with arming of Taliban. India voted against Iran on the nuke issue presumably under the US pressure, despite the engagements like Chabhar port and Delaram Highway.
The more turmoil that happens in a country, India seems to be less willing to engage it. The Palestine issue seems to be another area where India is facing problems due to increased trade in defense with Israel and silence is construed as endorsement of human rights violation. India's role seems to have been limited to evacuating its citizens form war torn areas.
The most glaring evidence is lack of diplomatic and high level visits.
Clearly, India needs to revamp the stance. The region is torn with ISIS, political turmoil, mutial bickering and Shia-Sunni sectarian divide. Any moves to directly engage ISIS will be detrimental to us. So we need to work on confidence builidng measures and starting diplomatic exchanges and cultural shows. Gulf Cooperation Council will be good place to start afresh and seek multilogues on concerned and shared issues. And it is quite sure that if India makes its voice heard, it will be recieved well in this region.

Polite sparring reveals strain in government-SC ties | Krishnadas Rajagopal

A series of run-ins with the judiciary marked the first year of the NDA government, as it pushed for an equal say in appointments to the higher judiciary through the National Judicial Appointments Commission (NJAC).
A veneer of strained civility masked the confrontation between the executive and the judiciary. The first sign of tension concerned the aborted attempt to appoint senior lawyer Gopal Subramanium as a Supreme Court judge.
The collegium had recommended his elevation on May 13, 2014, when the UPA was in power.
However, as the NDA took over at a crucial stage in the appointment process, Mr. Subramanium’s name was segregated and the remaining names were processed for appointment. The government’s silence on why it did not want him appointed a judge cast a cloud on its intentions.
Court watchers say it was the government’s attitude on Mr. Subramanium’s elevation that rankled the most. It was after all only the fourth time in the country’s legal history that the collegium had recommended a name from the Bar for direct elevation as Supreme Court judge.
Withdraws candidature
The stand-off between the executive and the judiciary finally led to Mr. Subramanium withdrawing his candidature for the sake of his “self-respect and dignity”. He said he did not want his “elevation to be the subject matter of any kind of politicisation”.
This episode brought the knives out, with the then Chief Justice, R.M. Lodha, warning that he would resign if the judiciary’s independence was compromised. Justice Lodha blamed the government for taking the unilateral decision to segregate Mr. Subramanium’s name without consulting the collegium.
Debate on collegium
The government invited eminent jurists to debate on a new law to replace the collegium itself. There was no representation from any of the sitting judges of the Supreme Court, especially when the matter concerned judicial appointments and the survival of the 21-year-old collegium system. The debate resulted in “absolute consensus” that the collegium system should go.
A flurry of activity ended with Parliament passing the NJAC Bill and the 121st Constitution Amendment Bill in August 2014 and the Constitution Amendment sent for ratification to State Assemblies.
When the passage of the Bills was challenged before it, a three-judge Bench of the Supreme Court said it was too “premature” to consider the legality of the NJAC before it became a law.
The period also saw the government compelled to rethink the Judicial Standards and Accountability Bill in view of objections from judges. This Bill seeks to lay down enforceable standards of conduct for judges and a mechanism to allow any person to lodge a complaint against a judge on grounds of “misbehaviour or incapacity”.
By December 2014, the political class had closed ranks to ratify the 99th Constitution Amendment, incorporating the NJAC into the Constitution, and the amendment received Presidential assent.
Five-judge Bench
Subsequently, a second batch of petitions was filed in January 2015, again challenging the NJAC law and the Constitution Amendment as “unconstitutional” and a threat to “judicial independence”. These petitions travelled from initial hearings before a three-judge Bench to a five-judge Bench headed by Justice J.S. Khehar.
The NJAC Act was notified in April even as the challenge against it was pending before the Supreme Court.
In day-to-day hearings in the Supreme Court, the government attacked the collegium, calling it a system of “judges appointing judges” unique to the Indian judiciary. Attorney-General Mukul Rohatgi termed the apprehensions about the NJAC “alarmist.”
The government even sought a referral of the petitions to a larger Bench of nine to 11 judges to first debate the legality of the 1993 and 1998 Supreme Court judgments in the Second Judges Case and Third Judges Case, which ushered in the collegium system, before going into the merits of the NJAC law.
On May 11, the five-judge Bench refused, for the time being, the government’s proposal to have a re-look at the 1993 and 1998 judgments before going into the constitutionality of the NJAC law.
A new chapter of a to-and-fro between the government and the judiciary waits to be opened on June 8 when Justice Khehar’s Bench will start hearing on the merits of the NJAC law.
Other developments too pointed to the executive’s troubled ties with the judiciary. Prime Minister Narendra Modi remarked at a public forum that judicial views should not be driven by “five-star activists.” Mr. Rohatgi made some candid submissions in open court against the “illegality” of the collegium.
Personal comment
Mr. Justice Lodha’s successor, Chief Justice H.L. Dattu, may have found nothing wrong in making a personal comment about the Prime Minister as a “good leader and a good human being” during an “informal chat” with presspersons, but he refused to budge when the Prime Minister invited him to select two eminent persons for the NJAC. In his letter to the Prime Minister on April 25, Chief Justice Dattu wrote that it is “neither appropriate nor desirable” that he participate in the NJAC as chairperson when the law itself is under challenge.


Source: http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-national/polite-sparring-reveals-strain-in-governmentsc-ties/article7242316.ece

Western disturbance

Western disturbance (WD) is the term used to describe an eastward moving, extratropical storm that brings sudden winter rain and snow to the northwestern parts of the Indian subcontinent. The moisture in these storms usually originates over the Mediterranean sea and Atlantic Ocean. The passage of a WD across north India increases monsoon activity over Punjab and Uttar Pradesh. WD are important to the development of the rabi crop in the northern subcontinent.

The frequency of western disturbance amplified because of presence of easterlies from Bay of Bengal. Also due to pronounced warming over the Tibetan plateau in recent decades which can be attributed to climatic warming, favours enhancement of meridianal temperature gradients. The warming in recent decades over west central Asia led to an increase in instability of the western winds thereby increasing WDs leading to a higher intensity for heavy precipitation.

Such disturbances can damage crops resulting into economic as well as agricultural loss for the people and farmers. Farm output is affected when crops that are ready to be harvested or about to ripen, get soaked in excessive rainfall. This is a concern in states like Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat, Maharashtra and Rajasthan, Punjab and Haryana. though the effect cannot be said firmly but certainly the disturbances in monsoonal pattern in India will affect its citizens.

Saturday, May 23, 2015

Missing the big picture on Big Data | G Sampath

Why is the government so anxious to make the ownership of an Aadhar card, which is officially voluntary, practically mandatory? Why did the online fashion store Myntra.com recently turn app-only, which means you can’t shop on it through the website or mobile browser but only by downloading the app?
Why is Facebook developing solar-powered drones to beam Internet from the sky? And why do both Facebook and Gmail keep badgering you for your cell phone number?
What is the need for something called internet.org when there is already an Internet out there? Why does our government want to invest in ‘Smart Cities’ when it is unwilling to invest adequately on education?
The answer to all these questions, as Bob Dylan might have said, is flowing in optic fibre cables. If not, it is definitely stored in a non-meteorological cloud somewhere. Its name: Big data.
“Big data is no different from gold; it is firstly, and ultimately, a commodity”
The UID-Aadhar project will be the largest such citizen database on the planet. The reason Myntra wants its customers to transact only from apps is that consumer data is most valuable when tied to specific individuals, as it enables a closer tracking of user behaviour. It is also why Google, Facebook, and other tech companies want your mobile number.
It is because Mark Zuckerberg does not possess a search engine like Google does — which, as the entry point to the Internet for most people, is the ultimate instrument for generating consumer data — that he wants to start another, smaller ‘internet’ for those who cannot afford the full-size one.
As for Smart Cities, it is a blatant scheme to ensure that every citizen is dragooned into a digital grid at all times, so that she secretes a non-stop data trail from birth to death. This data trail, or big data would be continuously captured and processed for optimal value extraction (read monetisation).
If a world governed on the basis of big data is indeed the future, then what does this bode for humanity? The dominant consensus right now is overwhelmingly positive. But if we delve deeper, the use of big data and what it would entail for the future of human lives will unravel a problematic picture.
ILLUSTRATION: SATWIK GADE
According to the optimists, big data — in combination with what is described as the Internet of Things (IoT), a world where the vast majority of gadgets, machines, and humans are connected to the internet and to each other — promises a future where all important decisions about business, life, and society would be taken purely (and happily?) on the basis of data.
Human judgment, which is typically partial, flawed, and conflicted — and often distorted by factors that are not measurable, and do not compute, such as moral qualms, or empathy — need never come into the picture. This, they believe, would make for greater efficiency, higher productivity, and the optimal utilisation of resources for the greatest good of the greatest number.
There is a name for such decision-making driven purely by big data analytics. It’s called ‘evidence-based decision-making’. Its semantic twin is ‘actionable information’. Evidence-based decision-making can and does pay off brilliantly in business operations — this is what enterprise software solutions do, and they were indeed the tech precursors of big data analytics. It is ideal also for, say, predicting the weather, or earthquakes, and for identifying bankable talent in team sports, as the bestselling book/ film Moneyball showed.
Besides, big data already plays a major role in the management of infrastructure and industry, not to mention security, military affairs, health, and geopolitics, as the Snowden leaks made amply clear.
Purveyors of technological determinism like to argue that, with the advances in cloud and mobile computing, the non-stop generation of data on a never-before scale is bound to change how humans think, and therefore act and live.
“The graver threat is a digital replay of colonial era exploitation, with data replacing mineral resources and raw materials as the source of value”
This was the contention of Chris Andersen, the former editor-in-chief of Wired magazine, in a widely debated piece titled “The End of Theory: The data deluge makes the scientific method obsolete”. Andersen’s logic is simple: since processing of big data can give us correlations that can predict accurately, causation is no longer relevant. So theory, or explanations of the world based on the model of cause and effect (which is how humans have traditionally made sense of the world), are now obsolete.
In other words, we no longer need to think. Collect data, feed them into the maw of analytics, and wait for solutions to emerge. In Andersen’s words, “With enough data, the numbers speak for themselves.”
Well, this is no longer solely the chartered accountant’s motto. It is the article of faith among the world’s movers and shakers.
The World Economic Forum, an annual gathering of the global power elite, notes in its 2014 Global Technology Report that data is “a new form of asset class”, adding, “data are now the equivalent of oil or gold. And today we are seeing a data boom rivaling the Texas oil boom of the 20th century and the San Francisco gold rush of the 1800s.”
In his foreword to this very report, John Chambers, the chairman and CEO of Cisco Systems, points out that, with the number of app downloads growing from 10 billion in 2010 to 77 billion in 2014, there is “a $19 trillion global opportunity to create value over the next decade.”
As per industry estimates, in India alone, it is set to touch $1 billion in 2015.
Will politics surrender to analytics?
No doubt, there is overpowering business logic to the rise and rise of big data analytics. But does this mean it should get a leading role in the domain of politics and public policy?
The answer to this question may already have been decided, going by the frequency with which “evidence-based policy-making” and “actionable information” pops up in government documents and the reports of bodies such as the United Nations or the World Bank.
India, too, is well and truly on board the bandwagon. On the one hand, the large pool of English-speaking engineering/ mathematics graduates makes India an attractive destination for the off-shoring of big data analytics, which Indian tech entrepreneurs are well placed to exploit.
On the other hand, with several citizen-to-government transactions, such as passport applications and tax payments migrating online, and the state unwilling to relax its grip on Aadhaar, and plans afoot to digitise medical records, it is clear that Big Data will come to play a major role.
Besides, many examples have been cited to prove that big data can be harnessed for social good. We have been told that cellphone call logs can help locate survivors during a natural disaster. Online searches can yield data to predict a disease outbreak (the principle behind applications such as Google Flu Trends).
And given the billions of dollars — the preferred term is ‘value’ — riding on the so-called ‘information economy’, it is unlikely that the raw material for data manufacture (also known as ‘people’) will have much say in the matter. We are already beginning to see this in India, with ‘evidence-based decision-making’ being trotted out as an argument against the precious few welfare schemes still left for India’s poor, such as the public distribution system (where data show that it is leaky), or the rural jobs scheme (where data show it is riddled with corruption).
A policy determined by such evidence alone would seek to scrap both schemes and replace them with cash transfers, as the incumbent government seems keen to do. But big data, by definition, is the wrong tool with which to understand the social consequences of giving cash instead of food grains — a critical policy input that can come only from politics, not analytics.
Where is big data taking us?
The exponential growth of big data analytics, and its increasing utilisation in government policy, is premised on many things, including growth in IT infrastructure, the digital inclusion of those hitherto excluded by poverty, and an overarching colonisation of the analog universe by the digital.
But what it needs above all is the erasure of the very concept of privacy. Many of us have already voluntarily surrendered our privacy, either for the sake of convenience or to save costs — by ticking the ‘I accept’ box when we sign on to a social media or email service.
But privacy — while critical for a functional democracy – is not the only casualty of big data. The graver threat is a digital replay of colonial era exploitation, with data replacing mineral resources and raw materials as the source of value.
We already have a bizarre scenario in several developing countries (including India) — a scenario that is somehow no longer perceived as bizarre — where people don’t have toilets (an amenity with tremendous public health consequences) but own cell phones, and their mobile data is being captured for ‘actionable information’ on the status of their health, and for ‘evidence-based’ framing of health policy.
“It promises a future where decisions about business, life, and society will be taken purely on the basis of data”
It is in the context of such anomalies that a term coined by a Tanzanian health minister becomes relevant: data colonialism.
The expression gained traction when Najeeb Al Shorbaji, Director, Knowledge and Management at the World Health Organisation (WHO), gave a speech in 2013, titled ‘Data Colonialism’. Shorbaji used the term to describe a scenario where the West has been mining African nations for health data without the Africans benefiting in any way.
He uses the same data-as-gold metaphor used by the WEF report to draw an analogy between the flow of raw materials from the colonies to Europe, and the flow of data from the erstwhile colonies to the developed West today. The objective in both cases is the same: extraction of value.
Today, useless data (or ‘data exhaust’ as it’s called) has to flow from the developing markets to the West (via Google or Amazon or their equivalent) in order to be commodified as information. Shorbaji illustrates the social dynamic of data-driven exploitation with an example from a domain that is usually touted as a poster boy for the benefits of big data analytics: healthcare.
He describes how impoverished Africans, who are not even aware of the concept of informed consent, living as they do in countries with no legislative framework for data collection and usage, agree to become guinea pigs for risky clinical trials in exchange for a little money or free medical treatment.
The animating logic of big data
This brings us to the philosophical basis of big data, which is rooted in the abstractions of statistics. It is well known that statistics grew as a discipline to address the needs of the modern state, which had to administer populations on a big scale. In big data, the post-modern state has found a fitting collaborator for monitoring, and pre-emptively controlling, sections of the populations that, in circumstances of prolonged deprivation or injustice, can be prone to unseemly eruptions against those who control the levers of the state.
Typically, the ‘big’ of big data is construed as a reference to the sheer volume, velocity (of generation) and variety (of sources) of the datasets involved. But perhaps the real reason why ‘big’ data is big is that it seeks to decisively appropriate human agency and transfer it to data and algorithms.
Even the term ‘actionable information’, often invoked in the context of big data, suggests that it is not humans who have to decide what is to be done, and therefore take responsibility for the choices being made, but somehow the data or information itself which decides (for humanity) the action to be taken. This, finally, is the inescapable social cost of big data analytics.
And so, finally, we come to the big question about big data: Can analytics find solutions to humanity’s problems? Yes, but not to the problems that human beings choose not to address.
Many global problems have their origins in deprivation. We don’t need big data analytics to tell us this. It is common sense that if such widespread deprivation is addressed – which requires solving the problem of extreme inequalities in wealth and income – a lot many problems, such as hunger and disease, can be resolved.
In fact, there already is ample data, including an OECD study, which confirms that reducing inequality boosts economic growth. But this has hardly prompted a corresponding change in government policies anywhere. While evidence-based policy-making may be good for business and the tech industry, it is only politics-driven policy-making that can make a positive difference to people’s lives. For, as data evangelists never tire of pointing out, big data is no different from gold — it is firstly, and ultimately, a commodity. 

The writer is the Social Affairs Editor of The Hindu. Email: gsampath.thehindu@gmail.com

Friday, May 22, 2015

India’s eye on universe ready for tests

Astrosat launch in October, to provide useful data for country’s astronomers

An artist’s impression of Astrosat, with various instruments mounted on it.— COURTESY: ISRO
An artist’s impression of Astrosat, with various instruments mounted on it.— COURTESY: ISRO
A fully assembled Astrosat, India’s first space observatory, is ready for intensive tests here before its launch around October.


The Indian Space Research Organisation said on Tuesday that the 1,650-kg spacecraft would orbit Earth equatorially at 650 km and study distant stars, galaxies, black holes and other cosmic objects.
Elite status
The space-based observatory was built at the ISRO Satellite Centre here to operate for five years and will provide useful data for the country’s astronomy community. It will put India in an elite orbit with the U.S., Europe, Russia and Japan.
“Last week, the spacecraft was fully assembled and switched on. All the [six] payloads and sub-systems are integrated into the satellite. Mechanical fit checks of the satellite with the PSLV [polar satellite launch vehicle] payload adaptor were performed successfully,” the space agency said on its website.
One of ISRO directors said Astrosat would be the first such satellite to scan simultaneously the sky in most of the frequency spectra from ultraviolet to optical and low- and high-energy X-ray bands.
Large scale
Although previous national satellites carried small astronomy-related devices, “Nothing on this scale, with a dedicated satellite, has been done before [at ISRO]. It should be of immense benefit to our scientists, who have depended on inputs from other agencies and sources like the Hubble [US-European space telescope],” the official said.
In the coming days, Astrosat will undergo a host of environmental tests — electromagnetic interference, electromagnetic compatibility, thermal vacuum, vibration and acoustics and so on.
Later, the satellite will be shipped to the Satish Dhawan Space Centre, Sriharikota, for launch.
ISRO developed the six payloads in partnership with the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research, Mumbai; the Indian Institute of Astrophysics and the Raman Research Institute, Bengaluru; and the Inter-University Centre for Astronomy and Astrophysics, Pune.
Two payloads were developed with the Canadian Space Agency and the University of Leicester, U.K.

Source: www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-national/indias-eye-on-universe-ready-for-tests/article7225181.ece

Thursday, May 21, 2015

तुम्हारे बगैर



तुम्हारे बगैर
मैं किसी जकड़न से अलग सा महसूस करता हूँ,
बेड़ियों से छूटा सा.
सोच पाता हूँ खुद को
और किसी रौशनी में चलने लगता हूँ.

तुम्हारे बगैर कई ख्याल, कई लोग
सीधे मिलने आते हैं.
पाश, लेनिन, काफ़्का से लेकर
नेहरू, कबीर, गुरुदत्त तक
पता नहीं कौन-कौन.
और कई दफे पिकासो, हलदनकर मिलकर
मेरे सर पे रंग उड़ेल जाते हैं.
जैसे 'ब्लू फेज़' की कोई पेंटिंग गढ़ गये हों.

तुम्हारे बगैर मैं असीमित होता हूँ.
तुम्हारे बगैर ज्यादा खुश,
आज़ाद और प्रफुल्लित.

तुम्हारे बगैर मैं बस 'विवेक' होता हूँ,
'सिर्फ तुम्हारा विवेक' नहीं.
खुद के सपने देखता हूँ,
खुद की समझ बूझता हूँ.

फिर मैं तुम्हारा साथ क्यों चाहूंगा?

सपने / पाश

हर किसी को नहीं आते
बेजान बारूद के कणों में
सोई आग के सपने नहीं आते
बदी के लिए उठी हुई
हथेली को पसीने नहीं आते
शेल्फ़ों में पड़े
इतिहास के ग्रंथो को सपने नहीं आते
सपनों के लिए लाज़मी है
झेलनेवाले दिलों का होना
नींद की नज़र होनी लाज़मी है
सपने इसलिए हर किसी को नहीं आते 

Wednesday, May 20, 2015

Modern Painting

Contemporary Indian art has travelled a long way since the days of Ravi Verma, Abanindranath Tagore and his followers and even Amrita Sher-Gil. Broadly, the pattern followed is this. Almost every artist of note began with one kind of representational or figurative art or the other tinged with impressionism, expressionism or post-expressionism. The irksome relationship of form and content was generally kept at a complementary level. Then through various stages of elimination and simplifications, through cubism, abstraction and a variety of expressionistic trends, the artists reached near non-figurative and totally non-figurative levels. The 'pop' and the 'op', the minimal and anti-art have really not caught the fancy of our artists, except for very minor aberrations. And, having reached the dead and cold abstraction, the only way open is to sit back and reflect. This copy-book pattern has been followed by a great number of artists, including senior and established ones. As a reaction to this journey into nothing, there are three new major trends: projection of the disturbed social unrest and instability with the predicament of man as the main theme; an interest in Indian thought and metaphysics, manifested in the so called 'tantric' paintings and in paintings with symbolical import: and more than these two trends is the new interest in vague surrealist approaches and in fantasy. More important than all this, is the fact that nobody now talks of the conflict between form and content or technique and expression. In fact, and in contradiction to the earlier avowal, almost everybody is certain that technique and form are only important prerequisites to that mysterious something of an idea, message or spirit, that spark of the unfathomable entity that makes such man a little different from the other.