कुछ प्रेम कहानियाँ बेवकूफियों में ख़त्म हो जाती हैं.

तुम्हें समझ नहीं आता बिबान?
'क्या समझ नहीं आता?'
'कि... कुछ नहीं जब तुम समझोगे... खैर पता नहीं समझोगे या......'

परछाइयाँ आदमी के साथ ही रुख कर जाती हैं. वो भी चली गई, उसकी परछाई भी ज़िन्दगी से....
--

कई महीनों बाद फ़ोन बजा...
'बिबान...'
मैं आवाज़ पहचान गया.

'मेरा नाम विवान है, बिबान नहीं...'
तूने 'व' को 'व' बोलना कब सीखा?'
'तुझे याद आ गई इतने दिन बाद.... जाते वक़्त तो नया नंबर भी नहीं दिया था.'
'चाहिए था तो फेसबुक पे भी मांग सकता था.'
'तुझे देना था...?'
'पता नहीं... सुन शादी है मेरी... तू आएगा?'
'सुन मैं तब भी समझता था, अब भी समझता हूँ. तूने मुझे समझा कभी?'

'विवान, मेरे से ज्यादा किसी ने समझा तुझे? छोड़ सब, आई लव्ड यू एंड आई लव यू...अभी शादी करने दे बस....!'
'ठीक है... नहीं आऊंगा.'
'पागल आना तू... तू रहेगा तो हिम्मत रहेगी.... बाकि मुझे पता है मैं 36-24-36 नहीं थी.'  वो चुप्पी के बाद बोली.

'तू अब तक ये समझती थी..!!! एक्चुअली मैं माचो (Macho ) नहीं था... अब भी नहीं हूँ.... और जिम न तब बस का था न अब है...'
'बस इसलिए... वाह रे शायर...पहली बार किसी ने लड़की खुद की फिज़िक (Physique ) देख के छोड़ी होगी....'

कुछ प्रेम कहानियाँ बेवकूफियों में ख़त्म हो जाती हैं.

Women in Constitution Assembly

Of the total 299 members of the assembly, 15 were women, left their mark on the making of the republic.

They used this platform to asserted their equality and crafting a politically balanced republic. 

AMMU SWAMINATHAN

Criticized the constitution as lengthy one and wanted a constitution to be of small volume shall enough to carry in pocket (friendly to common people)

In her debates and speeches she promoted and applauded equal rights given to Indian women by way of the constitution and expressed apprehension that whether it could bring real democracy to people.

ANNIE MASCARENE

Annie Mascarene’s speeches during the assembly debates reflected these issues: the need to find the right balance between power that would be given to the centre and to the provinces.

She emphasized that Centralization should be introduced at later stages, but not in the initial stages

BEGUM AIZAZ RASUL

Only muslim woman in the constituent assembly,

She moved several amendments for issues: like the need for ministers to hold office for a good period to get enough time to do work of real impact (She was in favor of Swiss method of single non transferrable vote)

She supported India’s membership to the Commonwealth, 

She opposed separate electorate and reservation for minorities.

Expressed concern over limitation put on fundamental rights.

DAKSHAYANI VELAYUDAN

A prominent dalit leader and first dalit woman to graduate in India. She wanted abolition of Untouchablility to be included in the constitution itself.

She opposed separate electorate and reservation for dalits ——- She wanted equality for dalits in all respects.

She advocated for abolition of forced labor or beggar and campaigned for decentralization

HANSA MEHTA

She opposed reservation for minorities, but, advocated reservation for Dalits due to historical injustice

Durgabai and Begum Aizaz

Advocated for non imposition of Hindi on non native speakers and promoted discussion on Independence of Judiciary

PURNIMA BANERJEE

Advocated  state’s control over religious instructions in schools so as to prevent imposition of religious ideals on Children. Supported progressive taxation and importance of giving separate identity to educational planning.

Advocated for humane treatment of arrested persons

RENUKA RAY

opposed to reservation of seats for women. Advocated for proper budget allocation for education

MCI changes recommended by parliamentary standing committee

The medical council of india a body of high stature to oversee , regulate the medical education, institutions and doctors of this country has recently being made to be subject to some changes given its actions and recourses.

The parliamentary standing committee has provided a report on the basis of various reports including the recent ranjit roy committee and asked for the following changes.

It provides that MCI be replaced with new set of bodies as the architecture of MCI does not fall in place with present times. It calls for shifting from election to nomination, making different bodies to handle different issues like education, registration of doctors differently , handling medical colleges to make concerted effort and bring overall change to the medical education system in india

It has also recommended to revamp the curriculum to be in line with the disease profile of the country , to train MBBS students in district hospitals for more rural experience and to include research work in PG to promote the R&D in the country

However the committee has not clearly defined some issues dealing with the medical education

The up gradation of district hospital to medical colleges has not been touched. The case was put forth to reduce govts cost of building additional medical colleges. If the issue is not clearly stated the privatization of district hospitals going on like in Andhra Rajasthan will keep away poor from receiving healthcare and prove to be counter productive

Also the need for a survey of medical colleges for their standard check is missing. The survey like done in US and Europe for standard medical education is important to stop producing least quality doctors and decline the healthcare system

Health is an important aspect along with education for the growth of a country and the body and authority controlling and regulating it has to be of high stature and ethical sense.

Rights of Ministers and Attorney-General as respects Houses

"Rights of Ministers and Attorney-General as respects Houses.- Every Minister and the Attorney-General for India shall have the right to speak in, and otherwise to take part in the proceedings of either House, any joint sitting of the Houses, and any committee of Parliament of which he may be named a member, but shall not by virtue of this Article be entitled to vote."

Article 88 lays down that so far as the parliamentary position of the Attorney-General for India is concerned he is in parallel post to Minister in Parliament. This Article says every Minister and the Attorney-General has the right to speak in Parliament and can participate in proceedings of it and can also take part in joint sitting of both Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha and in any of Parliamentary Committees, in which he is named as member but has no right to vote.

This provision in the Constitution of India is unlike that of the British Parliament.

In British Parliament, the Ministers who are members in one House cannot address the other House. In our Constitution this Article and Article 177 confer upon every Minister a right to address any House, or either House and otherwise take part in the proceedings but by virtue of these two Articles a Minister does not have a right to vote. This provision also covers the case of a Minister who is not a Member of any House for a period of six months within which he must become a member of one House or the other.

These two Articles also confer on the Attorney-General for India a right to take part in the proceedings of either House or its Committees but provide that he shall not vote by reason of the right conferred by these two Articles. The right of a Minister to address a House of which he is not a member and the right of the Attorney-General to address both the Houses without being under an obligation to be a member of the legislature at all, would raise the question whether the Ministers and Law officers are entitled to the privileges of the legislature.

In case of Harshan Verma v. Union of India , AIR 1987 SC 1969 it was held that to appoint a non-member of the Parliament as a Minister does not militate against the constitutional mechanism nor against the democratic principle embodied in the Constitution. The combined effect of Articles 75 and 88 is that a person not being a member of either House of Parliament can be a Minister upto a period of six months; though he would not have any right to vote, he would be entitled to participate in the proceedings thereof.

PARLIAMENTARY COMMITTEES

PARLIAMENTARY COMMITTEES

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The work done by the Parliament in modern times is not only varied in nature, but considerable in volume. The time at its disposal is limited. It cannot, therefore, give close consideration to all the legislative and other matters that come up before it. A good deal of its business is, therefore, transacted by what are called the Parliamentary Committees.

Ad hoc and Standing Committees

Parliamentary Committees are of two kinds: Ad hoc Committees and the Standing Committees. Ad hoc Committees are appointed for a specific purpose and they cease to exist when they finish the task assigned to them and submit a report. The principal Ad hoc Committees are the Select and Joint Committees on Bills. Others like the Railway Convention Committee, the Committees on the Draft Five Year Plans and the Hindi Equivalents Committee were appointed for specific purposes. Apart from the Ad hoc Committees, each House of Parliament has Standing Committees like the Business Advisory Committee, the Committee on Petitions, the Committee of Privileges and the Rules Committee, etc.

Other Committees

Of special importance is yet another class of Committees which act as Parliament’s ‘Watch Dogs’ over the executive. These are the Committees on Subordinate Legislation, the Committee on Government Assurances, the Committee on Estimates, the Committee on Public Accounts and the Committee on Public Undertakings and Departmentally Related Standing Committees (DRSCs). The Committee on Estimates, the Committee on Public Accounts, the Committee on Public Undertakings and DRSCs play an important role in exercising a check over governmental expenditure and Policy formulation.

COMPOSITION AND FUNCTIONS OF THE COMMITTEES

Select and Joint Committees

When a Bill comes up before a House for general discussion,it is open to that House to refer it to a Select Committee of the House or a Joint Committee of the two Houses. A motion has to be moved and adopted to this effect in the House in which the Bill comes up for consideration. In case the motion adopted is for reference of the Bill to a Joint Committee, the decision is conveyed to the other House requesting them to nominate members of the other House to serve on the Committee. The Select or Joint Committee considers the Bill clause by clause just as the two Houses do. Amendments can be moved to various clauses by members of the Committee. The Committee can also take evidence of  associations,  public bodies or experts who are interested in the Bill. After the Bill has thus been considered the Committee submits its report to the House. Members who do not agree with the majority report may append their minutes of dissent to the report.

Committee on Estimates

This Committee consists of 30 members who are elected by the Lok Sabha every year from amongst its members. A Minister is not eligible for election to this Committee. The term of the Committee is one year. The main function of the Committee on Estimates is to report what economies, improvements in organisation, efficiency, or administrative reform, consistent with the policy underlying the estimates may be effected and to suggest alternative policies in order to bring about efficiency and economy in administration. From time to time the Committee selects such of the estimates pertaining to a Ministry or a group of Ministries or the statutory and other Government bodies as may seem fit to the Committee. The Committee also examines matters of special interest which may arise or come to light in the course of its work or which are  specifically referred to it by the House or the Speaker.

Committee on Public Undertakings

The Committee on Public Undertakings consists of 15 members elected by the Lok Sabha and 7 members of Rajya Sabha are associated with it. A Minister is not eligible for election to this Committee. The term of the Committee is one year.

The functions of the Committee on Public Undertakings are—(a) to examine the reports and accounts of Public Undertakings; (b) to examine the reports, if any, of the Comptroller and Auditor General on the Public Undertakings; (c) to examine in the context of the autonomy and efficiency of the Public Undertakings whether the affairs of the Public Undertakings are being managed in accordance with sound business principles and prudent commercial practices; and (d) such other functions vested in the Committee on Public Accounts and the Committee on Estimates in relation to the Public Undertakings as are not covered by clauses (a), (b) and (c) above and as may be allotted to the Committee by the Speaker from time to time. The Committee does not, however, examine matters of major Government policy and matters of day-to-day administration of the Undertakings.

Committee on Public Accounts

This Committee consists of 15 members elected by the Lok Sabha and 7 members of the Rajya Sabha are associated with it. A Minister is not  eligible for election to this Committee. The term of the Committee is one year.

The main duty of the Committee is to ascertain whether the money granted by Parliament has been spent by Government "within the scope of the Demand". The Appropriation Accounts of the Government of India and the Audit Reports presented by the Comptroller and Auditor General mainly form the basis for the examination of the Committee. Cases involving losses, nugatory expenditure and financial irregularities come in for severe criticism by the Committee. The Committee is not concerned with questions of policy. It is concerned only with the execution of the policy laid down by Parliament and its results.

Business Advisory Committee (Lok Sabha)

The Business Advisory Committee of Lok Sabha consists of 15 members including the Speaker who is the ex-officio Chairman. The members are nominated by the Speaker. Almost all sections of the House are represented on the Committee as per the respective strength of parties in the House. The function of the Committee is to recommend the time that should be allotted for the discussion of such Government legislative and other business as the Speaker, in consultation with the Leader of the House, may direct to be referred to the Committee. The Committee, on its own initiative, may also recommend to the Government to bring forward particular subjects for discussion in the House and recommend  allocation of time for such discussions. The decisions reached by the Committee are always unanimous in character and representative of the collective view of the House. The Committee generally meets at the beginning of each Session and thereafter as and when necessary.

Rules Committee (Lok Sabha)

The Rules Committee consists of 15 members including the Speaker who is the ex-officio Chairman of the Committee. The members are nominated by the Speaker. The Committee considers matters of procedure and conduct of business in the House and recommends any amendments or additions to the Rules of Procedure and Conduct of Business in Lok Sabha that are considered necessary.

Joint Committee on Offices of Profit

This Committee consists of 15 members. Ten members are elected from Lok Sabha and five from Rajya Sabha. The Committee is constituted for the duration of each Lok Sabha.

The main functions of the Committee are to examine the composition and character of the Committees appointed by the Central and State  Governments and to recommend what offices should disqualify and what offices should not disqualify a person for being chosen as, and for being, a member of either House of Parliament under article 102 of the Constitution.

Committee on the Welfare of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes

The Committee on the Welfare of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes consists of 20 members elected by the Lok Sabha and 10  members of Rajya Sabha are associated with it. The term of the Committee is one year. A Minister is not eligible for election to this Committee. The main functions of the Committee are to consider all matters concerning the welfare of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, falling within the purview of the Union Government and the Union Territories, to consider the reports submitted by the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and to examine the measures taken by the Union Government to secure due representation of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in services and posts under its control.

Railway Convention Committee

The Railway Convention Committee is an ad-hoc Committee. It consists of 18 members. Out of these, 12 members are from Lok Sabha nominated by the Speaker and 6 members are from Rajya Sabha nominated by the Chairman. By convention the Minister of Finance and the Minister of Railways are members of the Committee. Besides this, Ministers of State in the Ministry of Finance and Ministry of Railways respectively are also its members.

The main function of the Committee is to review the Rate of Dividend payable by the Railways undertaking to General Revenues as well as   other ancillary matters in connection with the Railway Finance vis-a-vis the General Finance and make recommendations thereon. The Railway Convention Committee, 1949 was the first Committee after independence. This Committee and subsequent Committees confined themselves to determining the rate of dividend payable by Railways to General Revenues. Since 1971 the Railway Convention Committees have been taking up subjects for examination and report which have a bearing on the working of Railways.

Committee on Empowerment of Women

This Committee came into being on 29th April, 1997, as a consequence of identical Resolutions adopted by both the Houses of Parliament on the occasion of International Womens’ Day on 8th March, 1996. The Committee consists of 30 members, 20 nominated by the Speaker from amongst the members of Lok Sabha and 10 nominated by the Chairman, Rajya Sabha from amongst the members of the Rajya Sabha. The term of the Committee is of one year. The Committee have been primarily mandated with the task of reviewing and monitoring the measures  taken by the Union Government in the direction of securing for women equality, status and dignity in all matters. The Committee would also suggest necessary correctives for improving the status/condition of women in respect of matters within the purview of the Union Government. Besides, another important function of the Committee is to examine the measures taken by the Union Government for comprehensive education and adequate representation of women in Legislative bodies/services and other fields. The Committee would also consider the report of the National Commission for Women. The Committee may also examine such other matters as may seem fit to them or are specifically referred to them by the Lok Sabha or the Speaker and the Rajya Sabha or the Chairman, Rajya Sabha.

Budget and Higher Education

http://www.livemint.com/Opinion/FO2DWKlG07d1GAgpPilLJM/The-budget-and-higher-education.html

टुकड़े

तुम्हें नहीं लगता कि भारत के कई टुकड़े हैं, भारत बंटा हुआ है?

एक अभिनेता खून करने के बाद भी कभी जेल नहीं जाता. एक अभिनेता 5 साल की सजा में लगभग 3 साल में ही पूरी कर लेता है... 34% सांसद जघन्य अपराधी हैं और देश चला रहे हैं. और जेलों में बंद 30% लोग सिर्फ इसलिए जेल में हैं क्यूंकि उन्हें सुनवाई का इंतज़ार है ये साबित होने कि वो अपराधी भी है या नहीं!
एक इंसान 900000000000 (9000 करोड़) रूपये खा के देश छोड़ भाग जाता है जिसके शून्य भी आप गिन नहीं पाते और एक किसान को महज पचास हज़ार रूपये कर्ज़ लेने पे बीच सड़क पे पुलिस बेरहमी से पीटती है. तुम्हें फिर भी लगता है कि ये देश के टुकड़े नहीं हैं? फिर न्याय पाने वालों और गुहार लगाने वालों के बीच इतने फासले क्यों हैं?

ऐसा क्यों है कि आज़ादी के बाद सूली पे चढ़ाये गए सारे अपराधी समाज के मार्जिनल सेक्शन (Marginal Section) से आते हैं. क्या इसलिए कि सारे अपराध वही करते हैं? सबल लोगों ने अपराध किये ही नहीं? क्या ऐसा है? और अगर ऐसा है भी तो क्यों वो मजबूर हैं अपराध करने के लिए? 68 साल बाद भी हम नहीं पता लगा पाये या किसी ने कभी चाहा ही नहीं?

झारखण्ड, छत्तीसगढ़ और उड़ीसा में सबसे ज्यादा खनिज है. छठवीं का बच्चा भी बता सकता है. सबसे ज्यादा गरीब राज्य भी यही हैं, ये भी वो बता सकता है. लेकिन जिनके पास ज्यादा खनिज संसाधन हैं उन्हें तो अमीर होना चाहिए था न... लेकिन ये क्यों नहीं है ये वो नहीं बता सकता. क्या आप बता सकते हैं?

क्या लोग इसलिए मरने-मारने पे उतारू हो जाते हैं कि उन्हें मज़ा आ रहा है? कि उन्हें 'माओ' से मतलब है? या कि उनकी ज़मीनें छीन उन्हें बदले में रोटियां भी नहीं दी गईं? और क्या सीआरपीएफ का 8000 रूपये महीना कमाने वाला सिपाही इसलिए छत्तीसगढ़ में मर रहा है कि वो इनसे बाकई लड़ना चाहता है? क्या वो उसके जातिगत दुश्मन हैं? या इसलिए कि ये 8000 उसके घर की रोटियां हैं? कि उसके पास कमाने के लिए यही एक साधन था. लड़ना, मारना या मरना.

तुम्हें नहीं लगता की हनुमनथप्पा और उसके नौ साथी सिर्फ इसलिए सियाचिन में नहीं थे कि उनमें सबसे ज्यादा देशप्रेम था, बल्कि इसलिए भी थे क्यूंकि उनके घर में एक बूढी माँ रही होगी जिसकी वृद्धा पेंशन या तो मिलती नहीं होगी या मिलती होगी तो 200 में से 50 रूपये उसे घूस के देने होते हैं, उनकी बहिनें रहीं होंगी जिनकी शादी में उन्हें मोटा दहेज़ देना था, उनके बच्चे रहे होंगे जिनकी बेहतर तालीम की उन्हें फ़िक्र होगी. उन्हें पता होगा कि कितनी भी कोशिशें कर लें उनके बच्चो को वो तालीम नहीं दिला सकते जो उन बच्चों को मिलती है जिनके स्कूल के महीने की फीस ही हनुथप्पा जैसे सैनिकों की एक वर्ष की सैलरी से ज्यादा है. उनकी बीवी और घर रहा होगा जिनका खर्च उन्हें उठाना था. आज़ादी के 68 साल बाद भी दहेज़ (कुरीतियां) ज़िंदा है, स्कूलों के हालात बद से बदतर हैं, और घूसखोरी ज्यूं कि त्यूं. 50 प्रतिशत के पास रोटी नहीं है 99 प्रतिशत को साफ़ पानी मुहैया नहीं है. और तुम्हें नहीं लगता कि भारत बंटा हुआ है? साधन सुलभ और साधनहीन के बीच?

तुम्हें वाकई लगता है कि बोफोर्स और ताबूत घोटाले करने वाले राष्ट्रप्रेमी हैं और तुम्हें राष्ट्रपेम सिखाएंगे? हर MIG-21 के गिरने से मरते सैनिकों की जिन्हें कभी फ़िक्र नहीं हुई उनमें यकायक से इतना देशप्रेम कहाँ से भर गया?

देश के संसाधनों पे तुम्हारा हमारा सबका बराबर का हक़ है. ये तुम्हें नहीं लगता? फिर IMF (अंतर्राष्ट्रीय मुद्रा कोष) चीफ़ (Christine Lagarde) ऐसा बोलती है कि 'पिछले पंद्रह सालों में भारत के अमीरों की जायदाद 12 गुना बढ़ गई है जो देश की गरीबी दो बार ख़त्म करने काफी है.' तो इससे तुम्हें क्या लगता है? क्या तुम्हें नहीं लगता कि आर्थिक रूप से भारत के टुकड़े पहले ही हो चुके हैं?

लोगों को रिजर्वेशन देना चाहिए, नहीं देना चाहिए इसपे बहसें हैं. दलित तबके को हक़ देने का किसी का मन नहीं है. जिनको रिजर्वेशन से बाहर करना चाहते हैं क्या उन्हें उच्च जातियों में शामिल करने का भी उनका मन है? क्या एक दलित को ब्राह्मण माना जायेगा, अगर वो रिजर्वेशन छोड़ दे तो? क्यों एक दलित को ऊंची जाति में शादी करने पे मार दिया जाता है? तुम्हें अब भी नहीं लगता के भारत बंटा हुआ है? उच्च और निचली जाति में? ये भारत के टुकड़े नहीं हैं?

अगर चार संगठन जो नहीं मानते कि औरत को आदमी का बराबर का हक़ है और तुम्हें लगता है कि वे तुम्हारे मज़हब और संस्कृति के ठेकेदार हैं तो शायद तुम और तुम्हारा धर्म दोनों ही तुम्हारी बेटी को मुंह दिखाने के लायक नहीं हैं. तुम्हें नहीं लगता भारत बंटा हुआ है औरतों के कम-हक़ और मर्दों के ज्यादा-हक़ भारत में?

बीस साल से विदर्भ जल रहा है और पानी पांच हज़ार करोड़ के घोटालों में गुम हो गया! ऐसे लोग अगर तुम्हें देशप्रेम सिखाएंगे तो इससे बदतर तुम्हारी स्थिति क्या हो सकती है?

तुम्हें फिर भी लगता है कि तुम बंटे हुए भारत में नहीं रह रहे हो और तुम्हें आज़ादी मिल चुकी है तो तुमसे ज्यादा मूर्ख और कोई नहीं है.

Untitled

शायद जब कहा जाता है 'तुम्हें एक्सप्रेस करना नहीं आता.' तो लगता है जैसे मुझे भाषा नहीं आती.. आधी हिंदी, आधी उर्दू, चवन्नी भर अंग्रेजी और रत्ती भर कन्नड़... इसके अलावा जो मुझे आता है वो इश्क़ में लिप्त दिल है जो ख़्याल बुनता है और तुम तक पहुंचता है. सच है कि मैं लिख नहीं पाता जी भर के बस थोड़ा और थोड़ा होते-होते कुछ लाइन्स में सिमट जाता है सब... लेकिन जो बचता है अंदर शायद कोई झांक नहीं पाता. तुम भी नहीं. आदमी का रोना उद्गार हैं, उसका हंसना उद्गार हैं तो शायद चुप रहना भी उद्गार हैं... क्यूंकि जब आदमी चुप रह जाता है... बहुत कुछ अपने अंदर समेटे होता है. मैं 'वेमुला' के खत को पढता हूँ तो उसके अंदर 'विवेक' छिपा लगता है... जैसे किसी वीराने में मैं ही लिख रहा हूँ वो ख़त... कार्ल सागन बनने का वो छुपा-अधूरा ख़्याल. 'हर्ष मंदर' की बातें अपनी कही सी लगती हैं... जैसे मैंने ही लिखे हैं वो तमाम आर्टिकल. मैं लिख नहीं पाता क्यूंकि मेरा लिखा मुझे हर दिन पढ़ने मिलता रहता है... ज्यूँ का त्यूं. लगता है जैसे मेरे दिल के जिर्दे ही उखाड़ के पेपर पे रखे हों किसी ने.

तुमने मरता आदमी देखा है? कुछ लोग अभिशापित होते हैं हर मरते आदमी पे वो भी कुछ कुछ मरते रहते हैं. मैं वो अभिशापित हूँ. कई बार मुझे लगता है लोगों की नज़्मों में बसे लफ्ज़ उनकी नब्ज़ों में नहीं होते. हुनरमंद राइटर बिना जिये ही लिख देता है, बिना महसूस किये ही वो सब जो कभी कभी अमर सा हो जाता है... अफ़सोस की मेरे साथ उल्टा है... मेरी नब्ज़ में जो होता है अफ़सोस की नज़्म में नहीं होता. तुम नहीं समझ सकते इसे.

एक इश्क़ का चौराहा है जहां हर तरफ से लोग आते हैं... मैं बीच में खड़ी मूर्ति हूँ... गांधी, आंबेडकर किसी की भी कह लो... वो मूर्ति अकेली रह जाती है हर दफ़े चौराहे की भीड़ में... तमाम लोग उस तक आते हैं... पास आ के चौराहा पार कर चले जाते हैं. तुम्हें नहीं लगता हर इंसान ऐसे ही है... एक बुत जिसके पास आने वाली भीड़ अपने मतलब निकाल बगल से निकल जाने वाली है...

सिगरेट का दम भरते लोग हर कश पे मौत के पास क्यों जाना चाहते हैं? जबकि डिबिया पे कितना चौड़ा लिखा है मौत का हलफनामा. क्यूंकि जीते जीते लोग उकता जाते हैं... कई कई तो हर घंटे में दो दफ़े उकताते हैं. लोग कहते हैं ज़िन्दगी की कदर नहीं क्यूंकि वो फ्री में मिली है... फ्री की ज़िन्दगी का क़र्ज़ बहुत लोग उम्र भर चुका रहे हैं ये कोई नहीं कहता. मैं उकताया हुआ हूँ ज़िन्दगी से.... लेकिन आज तक सिगरेट को हाथ नहीं लगाया... ज़रूरत ही नहीं पड़ी शायद... शायद धुंआ पहले ही बहुत है अंदर और बस फेंफड़े नहीं खा रहा है... सिराएँ, धमनिया, दिल और सारा दिमाग ही खा रहा है. जैसे किसी दिन सब खा के बोलेगा धुंआ 'कि खोखले हो गए हो तुम, हटो कि मैं दूसरे लोग भी खा पाऊं.' वो धुंआ अंधी दौड़ है जिसपे हम बिना रुके दौड़े जा रहे हैं. 1BHK से 2BHK से 3BHK और छोटी से बड़ी से बहुत बड़ी कार तक. ये बस 10% की बात है... 60% भाग रहे हैं एक रोटी से दो रोटी और दो रोटी से दो जून की रोटी की दौड़ में. अफ़सोस की फिक्रमंद नहीं कोई. मेरे जैसे लोगों को भी नहीं क्यूंकि मेरे जैसे लोग लिखकर फेमस होना चाहते हैं और उन्हें एक बड़ी कार की दरकार है! शायद मुझे न हो लेकिन मैं भी इस जमात का हिस्सा हूँ और इस समाज का भी. और मुझे इसका खेद है.

तुम पूरा नहीं पढ़ पाओगे इसे मुझे पता है क्यूंकि ये बहुत 'डेन्स' (Dense) है. लेकिन ये समेटे हुए का बहुत थोड़ा हिस्सा है.

-विवेक

इश्क़ की तालीम ग़ालिब!

मैं तुम्हें उतना ही चाहता हूँ जितना आम बसंत चाहता है, जितना पीलापन सरसों और देश की दही जनता जितनी शिद्दत से दो दफे भरपेट खाना चाहती है.
न शिद्दत से चाहा बसंत ही आता है भर के, न सरसों के फूल बच पाते हैं कीड़ों से, न दो दफे खाना मिलता है सबको... न तुम ही मुझे इतनी शिद्दत के बावजूद.
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'शोना' आज़ादी के बाद हमने 'हिंदुस्तानी' से 'उर्दू' के लफ्ज़ हटाने की कोशिश की थी, हिंदी को 'प्योर' बनाने. जो हिंदी बनी न तो हमें समझ आई और न हिंदी के ज्ञानी छात्रों को. मुझे निकाल तुम्हें 'प्योर' करने की कोशिशों में तुम कितनो को कितनी समझ आ रही होगी?
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तीसरे शहर के दुसरे किनारे पे जो तुम्हारा ठिकाना है, न सुना है वहां कभी ग़ालिब की माशूका रहा करती थी. जिससे एक दफे ग़ालिब मिलने गए और लौट के बेग़म की मार खाये. इश्क़ हमेशा चोट देता है... मिल जाये तो बीवी की मार न मिले तो दिल के दर्द.
मेरी होने वाली बेग़म तुमसे उतनी ही नफ़रत करती हैं जितना मैं तुमसे इश्क़ करता था... लेकिन उससे कहीं ज्यादा प्यार, जितना तुम मुझसे करती थीं.
इश्क़ में कितने सवाल हैं ग़ालिब... औ' इश्क़ कितनों जवाब है.
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बल्लीमारां के पते पे ख़त लिखा है... उम्मीद है जवाब आएगा. तेरे निशां बचे हैं, कुछ कुछ ठिठुर गए हैं ठण्ड से दिल्ली की... फिर भी ज़िंदा हैं कुछ कुछ...ग़ालिब
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'उफ़! तुम इश्क़ पे नहीं लिखते... तुम्हें नहीं पता की क्या है मरना जीना किसी पे और रातों को खोना यादों में किसी की? तुम लिखने से पहले इश्क़ की तालीम लो शायर! नज़्म इश्क़ पे न हों तो क्या खाक नज़्म हुई?'
'अगर मैं देश पे नहीं लिखूंगा तो देश के बारे मैं कौन सोचेगा?'
'तुम्हारा बाप. गधे!' मेरेअंदर ग़ालिब की आत्मा घुस आई. बल्लीमारान से लौटे थे कल ही. 

honest mistake

8) Is an ‘honest mistake’ unethical yet forgiveable? Illustrate with suitable examples. (150 Words)

The Hindu

“An honest mistake” is a mistake committed unintentionally without the intent to hurt anyone or oneself. An ‘Honest Mistake’ may or may not be unethical – it depends on the degree of pain caused, violation of rules and laws, and the degree of guilt felt.

Some may emphasise on an Individual’s character (Virtue Ethics) and to the fact that no Human Being is infallible; others may see the consequences or the rules being defied (Deontological/Teleological Ethics) to decide whether the mistake is ethical or unethical.

If a 6 year old child playfully shoots at his younger sibling using a loaded gun and kills her, it is neither unethical nor unforgivable. The child is ignorant and innocent. It is an honest mistake of whose consequences the child is unaware of.

An honest mistake can be forgiven if the person who has committed mistake immediately realizes, sincerely apologises and bears responsibility to the consequences. Even if the act is unethical, such as killing someone’s pet dog to save a small child on the road if situation demands so.

Forgiveness is the virtue which depends on the value system of the victim. In the example, if the person, who owns the dog, forgives the driver, it’s an example of ethical behaviour as it lessens the guilt of the driver and also makes the forgiver magnanimous. Even though killing the dog is unethical here, the act can be forgiven thanks to the life of child saved as a consequence of this act.

If a surgeon commits a mistake that’s unintentional and results in loss of a life, the act might be considered unethical and unforgivable by the kith and kin of the diseased. Even though the doctor might have wanted to save the patient, he is unsuccessful due to a mistake – intentional or unintentional. Because it’s is his profession, he cannot justify on the grounds of honest mistake. If the death was cause even after following correct procedures, the act is both ethical and forgiveable.

In the recent case of Sharapova’s confession about consuming the banned drug meldonium for past ten years, the act is not an honest mistake as the drug is already a banned drug by USFDA in USA where she is living for past many years. It is unforgivable as it’s a breach of trust of fans, and non-compliance of rules governing the sport. It is unethical as her act has violated equality and fairness in competition.

Thus, an honest mistake can both be ethical and unethical, or forgiveable and non-forgiveable: it depends of circumstances, value system of individuals and society, intent of the act and on the degree of consequences.