Showing posts with label Supreme Court. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Supreme Court. Show all posts

Tuesday, April 5, 2016

Towards restorative criminal justice | N.R. MADHAVA MENON

The way criminal justice is designed and administered today hardly serves any of the purposes for which it is set up: towards securing life and property. It does not deter criminals because of the delay and uncertainties involved in its processes and ridiculously ineffective punishments it imposes on those few who get convicted. It provides wide discretion to the police and the prosecution, rendering the system vulnerable to corruption and manipulation and endangering basic rights of innocent citizens. It ignores the real victim, often compelling him/her to find extralegal methods of getting justice. Above all, it puts heavy economic costs on the state for its maintenance without commensurate benefits in return. With nearly 30 million criminal cases pending in the system (the annual capacity of which is only half that number), and with another 10 million or more cases being added every year, whatever is left of the system is bound to collapse completely unless some radical alternatives are adopted urgently.

Faced with a similar situation, the U.S. adopted plea bargaining and diversion to administrative and quasi-judicial institutions in a big way several years ago with the result that less than a third of criminal cases are allowed to go for trial. Diversion is followed in the U.K. as well. Recently, it reformed its criminal justice system giving a central role to the victims to direct their cases in the system. In Russia, Australia and several other countries, the victim is brought centre stage through what is called “restorative justice” to replace unproductive aspects of conventional criminal processes. On the recommendation of the Committee on Reforms of Criminal Justice System (2003), India also adopted “plea bargaining” under Chapter XXI-A of the the Code of Criminal Procedure to take out from the system cases punishable up to seven years of imprisonment for negotiated settlement without trial. However, the Bar and the Bench seem to be allergic to plea-bargained settlement, with the result that even after a decade of its introduction, it remains a dead letter not invoked by those caught in the system.
Differentiated penal codes
The committee on criminal justice reforms recommended a threefold strategy to arrest the drift and to prevent total disaster. First, the law, substantive and procedural, requires a fresh comprehensive look based on changes in society and economy as well as priorities in governance. The guiding principle in the reform process should be decriminalisation wherever possible and diversion, reserving the criminal justice system mainly to deal with real “hard” crimes. A suggestion was made to divide the Penal Code into four different codes — a “Social Offences Code” consisting of matters which are essentially of a civil nature and can be settled or compounded through administrative processes without police intervention and prison terms; a “Correctional Offences Code” containing offences punishable up to three years’ imprisonment where parole, probation and conditional sentences can be imposed in lieu of prison terms and can be handled under summary/summons procedure where plea bargaining can be liberally invoked without the stigma of conviction; an “Economic Offences Code” where property offences which affect the financial stability of the country are dealt with by a combination of criminal and administrative strategies including plea bargaining (both on charge as well as on punishment) with a view to making crimes economically non-viable; and an “Indian Penal Code” which will have only major crimes which warrant 10 years’ imprisonment or more or death and deserve a full-fledged warrant trial with all safeguards of a criminal trial. The police and prosecution systems will accordingly be reorganised making them more specialised, efficient and accountable.
The second strategy proposed by the committee was institutional reform of police processes, including investigation of crimes, professionalisation and rationalisation of court systems with induction of technology and limiting appeal procedures to the minimum required. It is here the committee sought to bring in a bigger and responsible role to victims of crime in the whole proceedings. The Code of Criminal Procedure (Amendment) Act of 2006 adopted a small part of the recommendation on victims and left the rest for future consideration. This did not help in changing the system to a victim-centric one; nor did it support a restorative approach necessary to make the system serve its reformatory and deterrent functions meaningfully.
Victim-oriented criminal justice
What does “victim-centric” mean in the criminal justice system? It means restoring the confidence of victims in the system and achieving the goal of justice in whichever sense the idea is conceived. Toward this end, the system must confer certain rights on victims to enable them to participate in the proceedings, including the right to be impleaded and to engage an advocate in serious offences, the right to track the progress of the proceedings, the right to be heard on critical issues and to assist the court in the pursuit of truth. Second, victims have the right to seek and receive compensation for injuries suffered including appropriate interim relief irrespective of the fate of the proceedings. Victims may also submit a victim impact statement to the courts setting out the effect of the crime on their lives.
Today, a victim-centric approach in criminal justice can also mean healing the wounds through reconciliation and restorative means of justice rather than letting it get prolonged in the system, leading to frustration and more wrongs. Restorative justice is more akin to indigenous systems of quick, simple systems of resolution of wrongs which enjoy community support, victim satisfaction and offender acknowledgement of obligations. Thus perceived, restorative justice takes on board all three parties — the offender, the victim and the community — in a harmonious resolution of the injury, maximising the sense of justice and restoring peace and harmony in the community.
Restorative justice is distinct from mediation though it involves meetings and dialogues to fix responsibility for wrongdoing and to find a solution acceptable to all three parties. More importantly, it directly addresses victim needs and therefore emphasises the private dimensions of a public wrong. It is not a substitute to the formal criminal justice system, but a good backup to reduce its workload and to increase the sense of justice in the system as a whole. In a sense, the concept of “plea bargain” is closer to the idea and processes of restorative justice and therefore nothing new to criminal proceedings.
A distinctive feature of restorative justice is that it looks at the needs of crime victims which are today outside criminal justice concerns, leading to frustration and alienation of victims from the system itself. The victim is deprived of information on why he should suffer the injury and how it is going to be repaired. He would perhaps feel vindicated if the offender were to make an effort to right the harm, even if partially, by restitution. The victim would respect the system if it could make the offender assume responsibility and persuade him to transform himself. Restorative justice therefore aims to respond to the needs of the victim and help sustain interpersonal relationships while reinforcing offender obligations. Justice, in other words, should engage with victims, offenders and the right-thinking members of the community in an effort of reconciliation and repairing of harm. This approach begins with a concern for victims and their needs even when no offender has been identified or apprehended.
Limiting the adversarial model
Several countries across the world are now replacing the adversarial model of criminal justice partly or wholly with different models of restorative justice, yielding promising results in crime control. The process is more collaborative, consensual and inclusive, that is characteristic of indigenous systems of justice. The role of the state is reduced and the participation of communities encouraged. This is not to be confused with the khap panchayat model of arbitrary decision-making by a few elders of the locality. Due process requirements are followed in restorative justice while participation is enlarged and made transparent, inclusive and accountable. While doing so, the system respects diversity as a social fact, interrelatedness as a virtue and correcting/healing the harm as a major objective.
Crime and violence constitute a major impediment for development and social integration for a plural society like India. The adversarial model of criminal justice, with punishing the offender as its only aim, has proved costly and counterproductive. Communities have to be involved and victims given rights in finding ways to correct the wrong. While keeping the adversarial system for certain serious and complex offences, India needs to experiment with more democratic models aimed at reconciliation and restoration of relationships. Restorative justice is a welcome idea particularly in the matter of juvenile justice, property offences, communal conflicts, family disputes, etc. What is needed is a change of mindset, willingness to bring victims to the centre stage of criminal proceedings and to acknowledge that restoring relationships and correcting the harm are important elements of the criminal justice system.

N.R. Madhava Menon is former Vice-Chancellor of the National Law Universities in Bengaluru and Kolkata, Director of National Judicial Academy in Bhopal and presently Honorary Director of the M.K.N. Academy of Continuing Legal Education in Kochi.

Tuesday, February 3, 2015

Supreme court of India

Supreme court of India is the "guardian of the Constitution". 
Under, Article 32 it acts as protector of Fundamental Rights of every Indian citizen. Article 131 gives exclusive jurisdiction to solve disputes between states and centre or between states on all matters. Article 137 provides powers to review its own judgements. SC also has advisory jurisdiction under 143 on matter of constitution and law to President of India.
If constitution repeals “Article 132-134” (Appellate jurisdiction), then only above mentioned constitutional load will remain on Supreme Court.
Indian constitution attempts to provide a panacea for the many political, economic and social ills the country had been plagued with. Supreme Court of India in its constitutional field has yet to register 500 cases a year.
So, if Appellate jurisdiction repealed India will not need 26 judges of SC to deal with just 500 cases a year. Size of SC will reduce drastically.
Though, SC is working slow, appellate jurisdiction is vital for public remedies because most cases are registered under Article 226 and not under Article 32 for constitutional remedy.
Pending cases (Backlog) remedies for Courts :
-establish lok-adalats frequently (thrice a year)
-Establish E-Courts for specific jurisdictions (small cases)
-Denounce “pleas for leave” which seems farce and unethical (save courts time)
-Stop bureaucratization of criminal justice system (police reforms)
-Stop inclusion of faulty PILs

Up the endless judicial ladder /M J Antony

The was meant to be a constitutional court by the founding fathers. However, only 7 per cent of its judgments deal with constitutional issues, according to a recent study. Most of the 50,000 and more cases pending in the court are appeals from the high courts or appellate tribunals. They might have trundled from the subordinate courts to the apex court, spending years and bundles of money. Even after the Supreme Court delivers its judgment, there are two more stages to challenge its final word. They are review petitions and 'curative petitions'.

Though the last two kinds of petitions are meant to correct obvious errors that escaped the attention of the judges (like typing mistakes or wrong figures) these are increasingly used as stratagems to reargue decided cases. It would seem that the judges are so careless in writing judgments that they should pass two more tests set by the bar. These two post-decision petitions have begun to choke the court. In an average week, over 30 pages of the list of cases contain review petitions and curative petitions. They are heard in chambers of the judges during lunch time, and mostly crunched within minutes. Hardly any of them succeeds in opening up the cases again. However, lawyers advise clients who still have money left after losing all the way to file review petitions, and as a last resort, curative petitions.

Earlier this month, a number of firms moved the Supreme Court challenging a proviso introduced in 1996 in the Supreme Court Rule that obligated judges who once dismissed the case to re-examine it in open court. The court rejected the demand outright (Sesa Sterlite vs Supreme Court). This was a welcome decision as open court hearing means more adjournments, affidavits, counter affidavits, rejoinders and compilations. That process would have bloated not only the files but also the lawyers. Thus, the review petitions will continue to be massacred in lunch time.

The Supreme Court, in one of its weak moments in 2003, aspired to deliver absolute justice and opened up yet another path to rehear decided cases. It allowed the disappointed litigants to return to it even after losing the review petition. This is by way of a 'curative petition', devised by the court in its judgment, Rupa Hurra vs Ashok Hurra. A curative petition must be accompanied by a recommendation of a "senior" advocate stating that the case requires re-examination as there was violation of the principles of natural justice in the earlier decisions. The curative petition has to be first circulated to a bench of three senior-most judges. They will decide by a majority that the case should be re-examined. Only then will the case be heard by the judges who heard the case originally. Such strict conditions were imposed to prevent a floodgate of curative petitions.

The court has since regretted its decision to set a revolving door to failed litigants. In its judgment inSumer vs State of UP, the court said that "the apprehension of the bench which delivered the Hurra judgment that the remedy provided may not open the floodgates for filing a second review petition has come true as is evident from the filing of large numbers of petitions. It was expected that thewill be filed in exceptional and in the rarest of rare cases, but in practice, it has just been opposite."

There is a strong current of opinion among jurists that the Supreme Court should take up only constitutional questions. However, of the Constitution allows appeals in the garb of "special leave petitions". The constitution makers would not have imagined that this provision would open the doors to gamblers in justice. Long ago, former Attorney General told the bench when asked the difference between wager and lottery, "what happens in this court every morning from 10.30 am to about 11.30 am is a lottery." The difference, perhaps, is that you can lose lottery only once. But in the courts, you can try and try again while moving up the judicial ladder.

source: 
http://www.business-standard.com/article/opinion/m-j-antony-up-the-endless-judicial-ladder-115012701340_1.html