Ideas changing minds, not money changing hands | Rathin Roy

The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) has got off to a wonderful start with the commentariat. Its membership now includes all major Asian economies plus a raft of European economies. The United States has also done its bit to talk up the AIIB, by voicing its displeasure at the alacrity with which the UK and Germany have joined the bank. In contrast, the BRICS-led New Development Bank (NDB) is being viewed as a sideshow, even a non-starter.

This judgement is not without basis. The AIIB has a broader shareholding at this time. It has commenced recruitment and organisation-building. The NDB appears to be moving very slowly in comparison. It has taken almost a year to announce its president. There is little public discussion on what purpose the NDB will serve, what it will do, and how it will lend. There is, therefore, currently much greater clarity about the AIIB than the NDB. But to conclude from this that the NDB is already an institutional irrelevance, or that its importance is inversely proportional to the AIIB would be premature, for four reasons.

First, the AIIB will work in Asia and the NDB globally. There is no de facto or de jure division of labour between the two banks. A successful NDB will be expected to deliver heft and voice to developing country positions on global development finance issues like quantitative easing, the restrictive impact of Basel-III prudential norms, sustainable finance, and the reform of the international financial architecture. An Asia-focused, sectoral bank like the AIIB cannot be expected to play this role.

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Second, the NDB, unlike the AIIB, can lend for things other than infrastructure. While this is a key area for developing countries due to the ubiquitous market failures that generate a huge infrastructure finance gap, the NDB can also address other important development priorities including urbanisation, agriculture and rural development, and investments in poverty eradication.

Therefore, the third difference: the NDB is a development finance institution and its business philosophy must be grounded in the political economy of development, not finance. The raison d'etre for its existence is to change the terms of discourse on development finance and to offer alternative ways to finance development challenges. This requires a rejection of the prudential "business as usual" approach and the cumbersome regulatory, monitoring, and oversight practices that traditional development bankers are comfortable with. To do this, NDB President Kamath must take the words "new" and "development" in the NDB as, if not more, seriously as the word "Bank".

How is this to be done? In the foreseeable future, the NDB will not manage to secure either the quantum of resources available to the World Bank group or the attractive AAA terms on which that group secures its resources. This gap cannot be closed by even the most concerted focus on prudential credibility and adoption of business processes that emulate those of existing western institutions - the NDB will then end up as a sort of third-rate World Bank staffed by BRICS nationals. This is where the Indian presidency of the NDB comes into play. If there is one thing that is unique in India's "offer" to the world, it is an approach to development in which "ideas changing minds" is as important as "money changing hands" Thus, the fourth difference: Knowledge, the thrust area which should be at the cutting edge of the NDB's distinctiveness from the AIIB and other banks.

The NDB will need to establish its distinctiveness on all the above counts, if it is to succeed. The delay in setting it up means that the NDB has already lost an opportunity to lend its distinctive voice on the important discussions on financing for development, and on climate finance, that are taking place this year. But these debates will continue in the future and the scope for fresh thinking and constructive initiatives from the NDB will continue to be considerable. The challenge is formidable but the opportunity equally historic.

Mr Kamath is a banker with a stellar record in creating successful financial institutions. He will not be daunted by the prudential and regulatory concerns that have preoccupied the caretaker BRICS Finance Ministry bureaucrats to date. The NDB will have to raise its game and become a knowledge based development finance institution from the very start of his tenure. To do this, the president and his team will need to pull the bank into the world of knowledge and ideas, drawing on the considerable pool of distinctive talent (like Mr Kamath himself) that exists within the BRICS and other developing countries, not just bureaucrats from the BRICS and recycled hires from the (intellectually) Western-dominated financial institutions. The NDB should also give top priority to engaging with knowledge institutions in the BRICS, and in developing countries, in the process of shaping the bank. Closed conversations within the corridors of power will be the NDB's kiss of death. It is to be hoped that the BRICS governments will understand this, refrain from interference and micromanagement, and allow the bank to develop into a knowledge-based development finance institution. If this happens then the NDB will, in the long run, be a far more significant creation than the AIIB.

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The writer is director, National Institute of Public Finance and Policy

Source: http://www.business-standard.com/article/opinion/rathin-roy-how-brics-bank-can-win-115060101802_1.html

Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank AIIB) and BRICS-led New Development Bank (NDB)

Do you think post the creation of China led Asian  Infrastructure Investment Bank AIIB), the BRICS-led New Development Bank (NDB) has become irrelevant? Critically analyse.


New development bank as the name suggest is having a different and new approach towards development of members as well as non member countries.
It works on two principles
1)sharing of knowledge, experience, platform to speak for the benefit of economically backward and developing nations and
2)of course development finance along with offering alternative ways to finance development.
NDB came into existence due to the problems within the existing institutions like WORLD BANK and IMF. These two institutes need reform within their ranks and approach so that they may not remain oligopoly of western developed countries.
China too has problems with these two institution so it came with its own institution named AIIB.
difference between AIIB and NDB
1) AIIB focuses only on infrastructure finance while NDB will also act as a platform for developing and weaker countries to represent their grievance at the global level.
2) AIIB is an ASIA centric institution while NDB is having a global character. NDB will also give finance and support to non member countries.
3) AIIB has broader base than NDB while in terms of services provided by these banks NDB has larger base.
4) AIIB is a finance based institution while NDB is a ideas sharing finance institution which makes it more attractive.
There is only one problem that NDB can face due to AIIB is that AIIB has a very large resource base and also its establishment is going at a much faster pace than NDB.
NDB to harness all these advantages over AIIB, needs to fast track its establishment process and start working as soon as possible. NDB can prove to be a boon for developing and backward economies as they will be getting the proper solution for their problems because of the structure and diverse human resource base at its administrative level. All these things prove that AIIB's establishment will not reduce the importance of NDB.

धुंआ

रात धुंआ है
दिन कुहरा घना है
ये कुहरा नहीं, पोल्लुशन की कालिमा है
चिमनियों से निकल रहा धुंआ है
नीचे मजदूर जल रहा
कुपोषित जिसका बेटा, कल रात मर गया है.

एक औरत जो कल पकड़ी गई होटल में
उसका पति था चार दिन से कोमा में.
जिसने पी थी देसी शराब ऊँचे ठेके से
और बेटी नाबालिग चुराई गई धोखे से.

आदमी के अच्छे दिन का इश्तेहार अख़बार में
मर गया पत्रकार उसका सच ढूंढते बाज़ार में
कालिख पुती शहर में, कालिख पुती गांव में
आदमी के अच्छे दिन का इश्तेहार अख़बार में.

चार मजदूर जिनके घर का पता नहीं,
जांच में कोई आईडी मिला नहीं
मर गए मिल में दब के मशीनों से
कंपनसेशन उनको कभी मिला नहीं.

तू क्या पहनेगी बताऊंगा मैं
किस पब में कब जाएगी बतलाऊंगा मैं
तेरी कमर कितनी खुली रहे
इसका नाप मैं लूंगा
तेरे इश्क़ का सारा हिसाब मैं लूंगा.
मुझको ही चुन नहीं तो
तेरा लव 'लव जिहाद' है.
और इश्क़ करना ही पाप है.

जल गई मस्जिद, जल गया पादरी चर्च में, फिर
आदमी के अच्छे दिन का इश्तेहार अख़बार में.

आ गई ज़मीन डैम की चपेट में,
घर बार उजड़े एक ही रात में.
न कुछ पैसा मिला, न कहीं बसर हुई
आवाज़ उठाई तो लाश आई खाट में.

चुप कर तू, ये धुंआ ओस है
खुशनुमा सुबह और सब में जोश है
देख दिन को जैसे मैं देखता हूँ उसे
अच्छे दिन दिखेंगे आ ज़रा होश में.

नहीं तो, छोटा कॉलम होगा
तेरी लाश के बारे में कल के अख़बार में.
जिसके नीचे छपा होगा बड़ा सा
आदमी के अच्छे दिन का इश्तेहार अख़बार में.

बालिग

तुम न कहती थीं
बड़ा कब होऊंगा मैं
वही हरकतें बचपन से अब तक.
भूल जाता हूँ तुम्हें, फुटबॉल देख
और बारिश में भीगना चाहता हूँ तर-बतर,
गुनगुनाता हूँ अपना लिखा कुछ भी, बेसुरे.
और कपडे यूँ लपेटे
तुम्हारे संग किसी भी पार्टी में पहुँच जाता हूँ.

बेहद सलीका आ गया है,
हंसने की जगह मुस्कुरा के रह जाता हूँ
और रस्ते फुटबॉल नहीं देखता,
चुपचाप गुजर जाता हूँ,
गुजर जाती है बारिश.

तुम्हारे जाने के बाद लगता है
बालिग हो गया हूँ मैं,
समझ आ गई है.

डायरी - शहर - इश्क़ - ज़हर

कटे उलझे  से  लफ्ज़  डायरी  के
जैसे  कुछ  लिखना  भी  चाहते  हों
मिटाना  भी.

याद  है  कोई
जो  बरबस  आ  जाती  है
और  मैं उसे मिटाना भी चाहता हूँ.

--***--

तुम आके तिनके से मुझे निकाल लेना,
ये शहर कुआं है कोई
जिसमें गिर के मैं डूब गया हूँ.

--***--


बचपन से ख्वाहिश थी कोई
किसी परी से इश्क़ होगा.

तुमसे हुआ
और देखो, तुम्हारे पर उग आये,
सर पे मुकुट सज गया.

...और एक दिन तुम परी सा उड़ गए,
अपने सफ़ेद मुलायम पंखों से.

सपना था शायद कोई,
शब के जाते वो भी गया.

--***--

ज़हर था कोई जो खाया था
तुमने दुश्मनी निभाने जो दिया था.
चलते-फिरते कोमा में हूँ
बोलता हूँ, सुनता हूँ, समझता नहीं.

क्या नाम कहा बताया था
तुमने उस ज़हर का? - इश्क़.
बड़ा अजीब ज़हर है!

Untitled Post

तुम्हारे बिन बहुत कुछ अधूरा सा लगता है.. जैसे कुछ बाकि सा है अभी तक... जैसे रात है, पूरा चाँद है लेकिन दिल उस दूर के छोटे तारे को ढूंढ रहा है जो पास के पूरे चाँद में गुम हो जाता है. लोग रौशनी ढूँढ़ते हैं, मैं चांदनी में अमावस ढूंढता हूँ. दिमाग से मैंने चांदनी मांगी थी, दिल को मगर अमावस में दिखता मद्धम तारा चाहिए. वो तारा जो अब ओझल है.

मैंने तुम्हें पूरी शिद्दत से चाहा था... और यकीं करो, दिमाग से पूरी शिद्दत के साथ ठुकराया भी था.

वजहें मत पूछना.. तुम्हें सारी पता हैं.

Chief of Defence Staff (CDS)

For many years defence analysts are suggesting that India should create the post of Chief of Defence Staff (CDS).  Critically examine why this suggestion is made and its importance for national security. 


A country's military strength depends on its military capacities at ground, air and water, combinedly. Modern warfare, which are rare though, and deterrence capabilities of a country are a creative and complex combination of capabilities in these three spaces.
All the three arms of India's military have been headed by three different officers, without any explicit integration between them. The Defence Minister is the only person above them, and being a politician, he is not expected to be aware of the intricacies of such coordination between the three arms of military.
Following are the reasons for the need of CDS:
1)It will provide the three arms with a unity of purpose required in operations involving more than one form of military and establish a synergy between three forces.
2) It will act as the direct link between the defence ministry and the country's military.
3) It will help the ministry in drafting better defence policies as the CDS would be able to provide a larger picture of the condition of military.
4) It will also help in fixing accountability as in multi-dimensional operations, CDS will be responsible for is success or failure.
However, a CDS may not have the full experience of every force except his own in which he served. This may lead to friction between CDS and the head of other two forces and may prove counter-productive. Also, concentrating power, as well as responsibility, in one person may not produce desired result. A body like a Coucil headed by CDS can produce desired results.
With India eyeing towards military expansion, establishing a CDS is a logical step. Internally, border security has been the most pressing issue. Even in disaster management, the role of military is indispensable: Role of army in J&K floods, of navy in Yemen to save Indians, and of air force in providing relief material. Externally, as a part of diplomatic strategy, India's military has carried out operations.
Hence, establishment of CDS is a must.

Moral Bank of China

As it goes What gets measured Gets managed.Recent Chinese Initiative of the Morality bank is based on Promotion, Encouragement of good Deeds, and community service in an Credit based/points based system. Various and Different level of awards are accorded to various humanistic and altrustic deeds for instance donation of Blood ,Stem cells are kept at higher level considering the greater number of accident and requirements for the Same . Such Carefully designed and neatly Packed Product Based Generosity "Accounts" may create the awareness aiming the Individuals about various Cooperation required in the society which otherwise would have been neglected/avoided. Such points /credits are redeemable for services like health, Personnel etc . It Is based on the Principle that rewarding for Performance or Deeds Motivates the individuals to perform[ Perform as more huma] in a Better way
It is difficult to say whether it will work here or not as many experiments worked abroad may not have worked in India. However one must not be Discouraged or refrain from implementing . It should be taken as project by administrator and rewards on basis of points can be used. Recently Good Samaritan law passed can be well synced to the Points/credit based system
In addition to it Points can be used as Electoral campaign and thereby creating morality in political sphere , such can help in generating greater people Participation and less expenditure on the advertisement in the Elections . Also while positive points are given negative points can/should be awarded for say VIP culture, misusing /embezzling the funds /graft issues . Thus People with good political image shall win which until now is mainly on Money and power in campaigns.
In sum Such experiment is win win Situation In carious spheres

India’s foreign policy in West Asia

Despite being a major player in the region, it is said that India’s foreign policy in West Asia lacks vision and is nearly moribund. Critically examine why.

India has a strong influence in the West Asia and North Africa due to various reasons like old civilizational ties with Egypt, Mesopotamia, Persia; old sea trade routes; Khilafat Movement days; the Non Aligned Movement amd the Bollywood. Today the region holds immense importance for an aspirational India. There are about 7 million Indians working in these areas that are a source of huge remittances despite facing gruelling working conditions with little social security amd prospects of eviction due to domestication of jobs. Most of India's trade passes through Suez Canal and India depends upon oil (70%) from this region only. Paksitan enjoys cosniderable influence there as well due to Islamic nature.
Of late, India had recently lost much ground in these regions due to wide involvement of the West, specially after 9/11. India's stance has often vacillated on key issues as is evident from voting patterns in the UN. For example India abstained from voting on Libya and did not oppose when the West pushed for regime change. In Syria, India did not raise voice against IS Congress's decision to arm moderate Syriam rebels despite India's own bitter past with arming of Taliban. India voted against Iran on the nuke issue presumably under the US pressure, despite the engagements like Chabhar port and Delaram Highway.
The more turmoil that happens in a country, India seems to be less willing to engage it. The Palestine issue seems to be another area where India is facing problems due to increased trade in defense with Israel and silence is construed as endorsement of human rights violation. India's role seems to have been limited to evacuating its citizens form war torn areas.
The most glaring evidence is lack of diplomatic and high level visits.
Clearly, India needs to revamp the stance. The region is torn with ISIS, political turmoil, mutial bickering and Shia-Sunni sectarian divide. Any moves to directly engage ISIS will be detrimental to us. So we need to work on confidence builidng measures and starting diplomatic exchanges and cultural shows. Gulf Cooperation Council will be good place to start afresh and seek multilogues on concerned and shared issues. And it is quite sure that if India makes its voice heard, it will be recieved well in this region.

Polite sparring reveals strain in government-SC ties | Krishnadas Rajagopal

A series of run-ins with the judiciary marked the first year of the NDA government, as it pushed for an equal say in appointments to the higher judiciary through the National Judicial Appointments Commission (NJAC).

A veneer of strained civility masked the confrontation between the executive and the judiciary. The first sign of tension concerned the aborted attempt to appoint senior lawyer Gopal Subramanium as a Supreme Court judge.

The collegium had recommended his elevation on May 13, 2014, when the UPA was in power.

However, as the NDA took over at a crucial stage in the appointment process, Mr. Subramanium’s name was segregated and the remaining names were processed for appointment. The government’s silence on why it did not want him appointed a judge cast a cloud on its intentions.

Court watchers say it was the government’s attitude on Mr. Subramanium’s elevation that rankled the most. It was after all only the fourth time in the country’s legal history that the collegium had recommended a name from the Bar for direct elevation as Supreme Court judge.

Withdraws candidature

The stand-off between the executive and the judiciary finally led to Mr. Subramanium withdrawing his candidature for the sake of his “self-respect and dignity”. He said he did not want his “elevation to be the subject matter of any kind of politicisation”.

This episode brought the knives out, with the then Chief Justice, R.M. Lodha, warning that he would resign if the judiciary’s independence was compromised. Justice Lodha blamed the government for taking the unilateral decision to segregate Mr. Subramanium’s name without consulting the collegium.

Debate on collegium

The government invited eminent jurists to debate on a new law to replace the collegium itself. There was no representation from any of the sitting judges of the Supreme Court, especially when the matter concerned judicial appointments and the survival of the 21-year-old collegium system. The debate resulted in “absolute consensus” that the collegium system should go.

A flurry of activity ended with Parliament passing the NJAC Bill and the 121st Constitution Amendment Bill in August 2014 and the Constitution Amendment sent for ratification to State Assemblies.

When the passage of the Bills was challenged before it, a three-judge Bench of the Supreme Court said it was too “premature” to consider the legality of the NJAC before it became a law.

The period also saw the government compelled to rethink the Judicial Standards and Accountability Bill in view of objections from judges. This Bill seeks to lay down enforceable standards of conduct for judges and a mechanism to allow any person to lodge a complaint against a judge on grounds of “misbehaviour or incapacity”.

By December 2014, the political class had closed ranks to ratify the 99th Constitution Amendment, incorporating the NJAC into the Constitution, and the amendment received Presidential assent.

Five-judge Bench

Subsequently, a second batch of petitions was filed in January 2015, again challenging the NJAC law and the Constitution Amendment as “unconstitutional” and a threat to “judicial independence”. These petitions travelled from initial hearings before a three-judge Bench to a five-judge Bench headed by Justice J.S. Khehar.

The NJAC Act was notified in April even as the challenge against it was pending before the Supreme Court.

In day-to-day hearings in the Supreme Court, the government attacked the collegium, calling it a system of “judges appointing judges” unique to the Indian judiciary. Attorney-General Mukul Rohatgi termed the apprehensions about the NJAC “alarmist.”

The government even sought a referral of the petitions to a larger Bench of nine to 11 judges to first debate the legality of the 1993 and 1998 Supreme Court judgments in the Second Judges Case and Third Judges Case, which ushered in the collegium system, before going into the merits of the NJAC law.

On May 11, the five-judge Bench refused, for the time being, the government’s proposal to have a re-look at the 1993 and 1998 judgments before going into the constitutionality of the NJAC law.

A new chapter of a to-and-fro between the government and the judiciary waits to be opened on June 8 when Justice Khehar’s Bench will start hearing on the merits of the NJAC law.

Other developments too pointed to the executive’s troubled ties with the judiciary. Prime Minister Narendra Modi remarked at a public forum that judicial views should not be driven by “five-star activists.” Mr. Rohatgi made some candid submissions in open court against the “illegality” of the collegium.

Personal comment

Mr. Justice Lodha’s successor, Chief Justice H.L. Dattu, may have found nothing wrong in making a personal comment about the Prime Minister as a “good leader and a good human being” during an “informal chat” with presspersons, but he refused to budge when the Prime Minister invited him to select two eminent persons for the NJAC. In his letter to the Prime Minister on April 25, Chief Justice Dattu wrote that it is “neither appropriate nor desirable” that he participate in the NJAC as chairperson when the law itself is under challenge.

Source: http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-national/polite-sparring-reveals-strain-in-governmentsc-ties/article7242316.ece